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                       "BURMA RELATED NEWS AND ARTICLES FROM THE NATION"
Headlines 

Tight security as drug suspect Li flown to US 



THE suspected mastermind behind the biggest heroin haul in the United 
States, Li Yun-chung, was extradited yesterday under tight security, 
leaving behind an unsolved bribery scandal. 

If comments by senior Thai police and government officials were any 
indication, the bribery controversy will become another long drawn-out 
affair, if ever solved at all. 

''Police have not found any evidence to back up the bribery charges, and 
they have tried their best," Deputy Interior Minister Chalerm Yoobamrung 
said. 

Dozens of heavily-armed police escorted Li, a Burmese-born ethnic 
Chinese with Thai residency, when he left Klong Prem Prison in a van. At 
police aviation headquarters, he boarded a helicopter that flew him, as 
well as Thai and US officials, to a Royal Thai Air Force base at Takhli, 
Nakhon Sawan. 

A US military aircraft was waiting there to transport him to New York 
City. Witnesses said the C-5A took off around 5 pm. 

Two agents from the US Drug Enforcement Administration and two US 
federal marshals accompanied Li. 

Li, dressed in a white polo shirt, grey jacket and cream-coloured 
slacks, appeared briefly before reporters at the police airport, but had 
little to say. In response to one question, he said he was happy to be 
going to the United States. 

To many Thai officials, the handover was a relief. 

''Our mission is over," said Police Lt Gen Noppadol Samboonsap, head of 
Thailand's anti-narcotics agency. 

He added that Li was relaxed during the transfer and had commented that 
he was relieved to be flying to the United States so his life on the run 
could end. 

Li jumped bail granted by deputy Criminal Court Chief Justice Somchai 
Udomwong and fled Thailand in March, but was captured and returned to 
Bangkok by the Burmese government last month. After his return, he 
revealed to Thai investigators the person he had bribed to gain his 
freedom, but backtracked later, saying he only gave money to his lawyer 
to spend on legal matters, officials said. 

Criminal Court Chief Justice Pradit Ekmanee said a disciplinary 
investigation into Somchai's actions would continue despite Li's 
departure. 

''I'm somehow relieved [Li's gone]," he said. 

Pol Gen Salang Bunnag, the deputy police chief who leads an 
investigation into the bribery scandal, suggested Li had not provided 
any information that could be used to hold any official responsible for 
him jumping bail. 

''He said what he wanted to say. If we can find more witnesses, we won't 
need to interrogate him any more," he said. 

Chalerm said Thai police could still fly to the US to get more 
information from Li, or even seek for his extradition back to Thailand 
if he was to face bribery charges. 

Li did not appeal the court's approval to extradite him, saying he would 
rather be tried in the US than risk his life and that of his family in 
Thailand. 

Li was indicted by a New York court in May 1996 in connection with a 
468-kilogramme heroin haul in Hayward, California, in 1991. Narcotics 
officials put the US street value between US$87.5 million to US$122 
million (Bt2.2 billion to Bt3.1 billion). 

Thai police arrested Li in July with an alleged accomplice, Cha 
Chung-chang, also known as Praphan Thongchaisawang, who is still 
fighting extradition. 

Li and Cha have also been linked to a 72-kg heroin shipment seized in 
Singapore in March last year. 

Li is one of more than a dozen alleged major drug traffickers from 
Southeast Asia put out of business in the past three years due to police 
operations by the DEA and its Asian counterparts. Since January 1996, at 
least six have been extradited from Thailand to the US. 


Questions linger as Li flies to US 



PREECHA SA-ARDSORN 

The Nation 

THE extradition of key drug trafficking suspect Li Yun-chung to the 
United States left many questions unanswered, the chairman of the House 
committee on human rights and justice, Piraphan Saliratvipak, said 
yesterday 

''This is at worst a case of dereliction of duty," he said. 

Li, whose Thai name is Phongsak Rojjanasaksakul, was flown out to the US 
under tight security yesterday. He is accused of masterminding the 
smuggling of 468 kilogrammes of heroin into California in 1991, the 
largest heroin seizure in US history. 

''The police director general told the committee on May 28 that Li paid 
his lawyer Bt20 million," Piraphan said. ''Bt20 million for lawyer's 
fees? 

''On June 4, Justice Permanent Secretary Kukiat Sunthornpura told the 
committee that Li was released on Bt100,000 bail. So, where has the 
Bt19.9 million gone? It's still yet unknown whether anybody took 
bribes," he added. 

The opposition MP said there was also a question about Li's nationality. 

''It's not clear whether he is Thai or Chinese. At first there were 
reports he is Chinese, but according to the bail documents he is Thai. 
He has an ID card and permanent residence in Thailand and that's why he 
was released with only Bt100,000 surety." ''But if he is a Chinese and 
has a Thai ID card, it means the document is fake. If that's the case, 
his passport is also fake," Piraphan added. 

He claimed that local authorities failed to do anything to find out the 
answers to those questions. 

Piraphan also criticised authorities who allowed Li to be extradited to 
the US although he had committed criminal offences in Thailand. He said 
that he doubts the US would send Li back to Thailand for questioning, as 
believed by some authorities. 

He said his committee was not against the decision to extradite Li. 
''But we'd like to ask if investigators looking into the bribery aspect 
have enough information from Li to prosecute the culprits." 

The House committee chairman also said authorities were acting against 
the government's austerity policy in allowing his extradition in the 
hope the US would send him back later for further questioning. 

''They [the authorities] said they would fly to the US if that country 
didn't return him. Their trip would be an unnecessary expenditure of 
taxpayers' money," he said. 

Piraphan also expressed concern that Li will embarrass Thailand once in 
the US by accusing Thai officials of taking bribes, as did Rakesh 
Saxena, a suspect in the Bangkok Bank of Commerce loan scandal, who is 
fighting an application for his extradition from Canada. 


Legitimising Slorc's rule 

Asean member countries must surely know about the human rights abuses 
that the Burmese military junta are responsible for, and the economic 
and political instability that they have brought to Burma as several 
thousands of Burmese nationals and students have fled into neighbouring 
countries since 1988. Although Slorc wears the mask of a friend in order 
to gain legitimacy from relations with its Asian neighbours, we Burmese 
know that they would just as readily stab their friends in the back if 
it benefitted them to do so. 

Some companies have illegitimate investments in Burma, such as natural 
gas projects, fisheries, logging, dam construction and hydro-electricity 
generating projects. For instance, Unocal has admitted that Slorc did 
not pay the labourers working on its gas pipeline, which the regime 
claimed it had. Most likely Slorc used the money provided by Unocal for 
personal reasons, while those who toiled received nothing and many 
people in the area were forcibly relocated. These and other actions by 
Slorc continually displace Burmese nationals and, as a result, they have 
to flee into neighbouring countries like Thailand. 

The construction of a road from Taroy in Burma to Danang in Vietnam also 
supports the aims of Slorc. The military junta will abuse more people 
through conscription. Recently, Slorc has been exploiting some of the 
Burmese people in organisations such as the Union Solidarity and 
Development Association ­ by using bribes and fear ­ to blame 
pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi and other opponents for the 
problems in the country. 

Asean is ignoring our rights and robbing us of our sovereignty by 
allowing the Slorc regime to become a full Asean member this July. Such 
a case means that the grouping backs Slorc's human rights violations and 
legitimises the junta. Until there is a free and people-elected 
government, we, Independent Karen National Students, strongly object to 
Burma's full admission to Asean at this time. Asean is meant to be a 
body comprised of all regional nations, but admitting Burma at this time 
does not do anyone any good, except for Slorc's generals. 
Saw Pai Htoo Chit 
INDEPENDENT KAREN NATIONAL STUDENTS' ORGANISATION 


Bangladesh, India, Sri Lanka, Thailand launch economic cooperation group



poted at 17:30 hrs (Bangkok time) 



BANGKOK, June 6 -- Bangladesh, India, Sri Lanka and Thailand launched 
Friday an economic cooperation grouping to boost trade and investment 
between South and Southeast Asia. 

Ministers of the four countries signed a declaration in Bangkok to 
create the Bangladesh, India, Sri Lanka and Thailand Economic 
Cooperation (BISTEC) group. 

It aims to expand links across a swathe of sectors, ranging from tourism 
and transport to agriculture and human resources development. 

Burma was granted observer status to BISTEC, and officials of the other 
countries were confident that Rangoon would become a full member in the 
not too distant future. 

Thai deputy foreign minister Pitak Intrawiyanunt hailed the declaration 
as opening ''a new chapter'' in cooperation between the signatories, to 
''build a bridge linking South and Southeast Asia.'' 

Combatting skepticism that BISTEC would become a largely symbolic 
''talking group,'' ministers announced they would frame an air 
transportation cooperation project to promote tourism by the end of the 
year. (AFP) 

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                "BURMA RELATED NEWS AND ARTICLES FROM THE BANGKOK POST"

EXTRADITION CASE



Li flown out amid tight security

Heroin suspect vows he will never return



Li Yun-chung was flown out of the country in a high-security operation 
yesterday to stand trial in the United States on heroin charges.

The suspect was taken under escort from Bangkok Special Prison to the 
Police Flying Unit at Don Muang airport and taken by helicopter to a 
military airbase in Nakhon Sawan.

Li, accused of importing 486kg of heroin into California in 1991, was 
then handed over to US marshals at the base in Takhli district who put 
him aboard a US air force aircraft bound for California.

As he boarded the plane, Li said: "I won't ever return to Thailand. I 
have nothing more to say."

The Criminal Court cleared Li's extradition more than two weeks ago 
after he had jumped bail and was returned by the Rangoon junta last 
month. Li had waived the right to appeal and said he wanted to go to the 
US and feared for his safety in Thailand.

A judicial panel is investigating allegations that Li, or Pongsak 
Rojanasaksakul, had bribed court officials to secure his release on 
bail. A separate investigation into the allegations is being carried out 
by Pol Gen Salang Bunnag, the deputy police chief.

Pol Gen Salang was told by Pol Maj-Gen Virat Chutimit, assistant 
commissioner of the Narcotics Suppression Bureau, that the supreme 
attorney-general's office had coordinated Li's transfer with the US 
Embassy.

Before Li emerged from prison, his extradition papers were said to have 
been double-checked by Pol Gen Salang, Pol Lt-Gen Noppadol Somboonsap, 
the bureau chief, Pol Maj-Gen Virat, Charles Brannet, head of the Drug 
Enforcement Administration in Bangkok, and Suboon Vuthiwong, senior 
judge of the Criminal Court.

Arthit Phonthong, commandant of Bangkok Special Prison, said the 
officials examined the extradition papers and material including Li's 
records, fingerprints and photographs.

Pol Lt-Gen Noppadol said Thailand's responsibility ended the moment the 
suspect left prison but since the US authorities were unable to 
transport Li to the airport, the police was assigned the job.

Pol Gen Salang said Li could be brought back to Thailand to assist in 
the investigation into bribery allegations that centre on Somchai 
Udomwong, the former deputy Criminal Court chief justice who granted him 
bail in February.

THAI-BURMA



Row over Moei River remains unsettled

Both sides turn down each other's proposals

Supamart Kasem 
Tak


Thai and Burmese officials have failed to settle a dispute over Burma's 
dredging of the Moei River opposite Mae Sot district, according to a 
border official.

Their meeting in Mae Sot ended in failure yesterday after both sides 
refused to accept each other's proposals for solving the problem over a 
change in the river's course near Wat Prathat Khok Chang Phuek in Tambon 
Tha Sai Luad.

Burmese delegates to the meeting insisted on their dredging plan based 
on an aerial map and photographs taken by Burma in 1989, while their 
Thai counterparts proposed that the two sides should survey the troubled 
area before the river was to be dredged in line with changed conditions.

The Thai team was led by Col Niramit Srijamnong of the Royal Thai Survey 
Department and Cherdchu Rakbutr, an official of the Treaties and Legal 
Affairs Deparment.

The Burmese side was headed by Pe Than, director-general of the 
Waterways Department, Khin Maung Oo, a Burmese diplomat and a member of 
the Thai-Burmese Technical Committee.

After the meeting, a number of Thai officials who inspected the troubled 
area found that stakes and flags used to mark the original water channel 
had been removed.

Col Niramit said he would submit a report on the talks to the 
Thai-Burmese technical panel for consideration via its chairman and the 
director-general of the Treaties and Legal Affairs Department, Somboon 
Sa-ngiambutr.

Burmese troops remained in the troubled area and were believed preparing 
to resume dredging which had allegedly encroached on Thai territory, the 
source added.

Burmese troops had earlier dredged the river opposite Ban Rim Moei, one 
kilometre north of the Friendship Bridge in Tambon Tha Sai Luad, to 
change its course back to what it was like originally.

Burmese officials later agreed to suspend dredging after Thai protests, 
but claimed the work was carried out with the consent of the Thai 
premier and the army chief in exchange for the opening of the Friendship 
Bridge.


Postbag

------------------------------------------------------------------------


Taking a clean swipe at Burma

In reply to Patrick Taylor's letter (Postbag, May 31) - yes, it is nice 
that Burma's military government keeps the streets free from beggars, 
muggers and pimps, not to mention those inconvenient student 
demonstrators, opposition politicians, free-speech advocates, 
independent journalists and other such nasties.

When tourists visit that lovely land, they will also appreciate the 
delightfully clean streets, swept free of those unsightly poor people 
(thoughtfully relocated to satellite suburbs). They can enjoy the 
first-class hotels, improved roads and renovated tourist attractions, 
kindly provided by unpaid "volunteers" and prisoners. It's so fortunate 
that petty crime almost disappears in the face of large-scale 
institutional corruption!

Yes, there's nothing like a good old authoritarian regime to maintain a 
decent living environment for those who deserve it. Just look at 
Pinochet's Chile. Or Hitler's Germany.

Katerina Julian





Being economical with the truth 

How depressing it is to learn that Myo Kyaw Myint is regarded as one of 
Thailand's "leading academics". His guest editorial, "We can beat this 
economic crisis the Thai way" (Bangkok Post, June 1) is full of 
contradictions and wishful, not to say muddled, thinking. He exhorts 
readers to remember the "famous words" of John F. Kennedy (why does he 
import the words of an American when the words of a Thai would do as 
well?) then warns us against the "more famous and supposedly wiser than 
us". 

Although he calls for unity and the end of scapegoating and 
finger-pointing at individuals for the economic crisis, he then divides 
up those individuals into groups of workers, industrialists, 
manufacturers, and business leaders and points his finger at them. 
Incredibly, he omits politicians, bankers, and property developers.

As for Myo Kyaw Myint's solution to the economic crisis, he thinks, for 
example, "it makes no sense" to demand higher wages when the economy is 
slowing down. In truth, it makes excellent sense owing to inflation, 
which eats into wages. That he thinks workers would "improve their work 
skills," without hope of financial reward, or that business owners will 
"improve" their businesses if they can't enjoy the wealth derived from 
them, also shows an active imagination. So it comes as no surprise when 
he asks, "Why must Thais buy expensive imported items when similar goods 
made in Thailand are available at much lower prices?" and, "Is it really 
true (that Thai products are of lower quality) or is it a myth generated 
by people who do not have the interest of Thailand at heart?" This 
leading academic merely needs to go shopping at Lotus or Big C and 
compare the homegrowns to the imports. Anyway, where is the cheap 
homegrown Benz, the Rolex, the Nokia cellphone of similar quality. 

In short, yes, it's really true. Thais aren't stupid.

This leading academic never says why, exactly, he thinks exercising 
economic freedom isn't in the interest of Thailand when it seems always 
to have been very much in the interest of, say, Hong Kong, where the 
number of Rolls Royces per capita is the highest outside Britain. 
Fortunately, mainland China may restrict them and so enhance prosperity. 
Richard Grandon

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        "BURMA RELATED STUFF FROM THIS WEEK'S FAR EASTERN ECONOMIC 
REVIEW"
Fly in the Ointment 
Asean's decision to make Burma, Cambodia and Laos members from July will 
present multiple dilemmas for the grouping itself and for its relations 
with the West. 

------------------------------------------------------------------------
By Murray Hiebert in Kuala Lumpur, Nigel Holloway in Washington and 
Michael Vatikiotis in Bangkok 

------------------------------------------------------------------------
June 12, 1997 


F or Asean, the real work is only just beginning. The grouping's 
decision to embrace Burma despite protests over human-rights abuses 
along with Cambodia and Laos was only the first step. Now it faces the 
more formidable task of integrating the new members into a 10-nation 
bloc and managing its relations with the rest of the world. 

Asean won't have to wait long for its first challenge. American 
Secretary of State Madeleine Albright and several European foreign 
ministers all of whom opposed Burma's admission will hold talks with 
their Asean counterparts in Kuala Lumpur in late July, a day or two 
after the new members are admitted. The presence of the Burmese could 
put the Western foreign ministers in a ticklish position. 

Malaysian Foreign Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, who announced the May 
31 decision to admit the new members, tried to avoid giving the 
impression that Asean was thumbing its nose at the West. It was not a 
signal. We signal to nobody, he told journalists at the end of an Asean 
foreign ministers' meeting in Kuala Lumpur. 

But in an apparent attempt to limit the scope for dispute, Badawi said 
Asean would not assign the new members dialogue partners with nonmember 
nations. The United States, the European Union, Japan, Australia, New 
Zealand, Canada and South Korea hold a series of dialogues with Asean 
members after the bloc's annual meeting. The decision not to give the 
new members dialogue partners will tend to marginalize them and 
essentially make them second-string members of Asean, at least for 
several years. 

Another hurdle is the Asia Europe summit in London next year. The 
British government bars visas to Rangoon's military leaders, which means 
a dispute may arise over whether Burma will be allowed to attend the 
summit. A senior European diplomat in Bangkok says the European 
Parliament is also unlikely to amend the EU's protocol with Asean to 
recognize Burma's membership in the grouping. This could complicate 
future dealings between the two blocs. 

Other countries such as Canada and Japan provide aid to Asean but refuse 
or restrict bilateral assistance to Burma. Asean, however, doesn't allow 
donors to exclude any of its members from aid programmes for the 
grouping. But no Canadian politician will risk signing an agreement with 
Slorc, predicts Abdul Razak Baginda, head of the Malaysian Strategic 
Research Centre. (Slorc stands for the State Law and Order Restoration 
Council, Burma's ruling military junta.) Integration of the new members 
into Asean could prove equally daunting. Admission is easy, says Razak. 
But when the hullabaloo ends will the new members be able to send 
personnel to 280 meetings a year? Observers believe this will be easier 
for Burma, which has more English speaking diplomats, than poorer, 
smaller Laos and Cambodia. 

Economic cooperation could pose additional problems. Badawi said the 
three new members would be given 10 years from January 1998 to comply 
with the tariff-reduction schedule mandated by the Asean Free Trade 
Area, or Afta. The other members have until 2003 to lower tariffs on 98% 
of their traded goods to below 5%. Vietnam, which joined Asean in 
mid-1995, has been given until 2006. 

Asean's membership explosion could also result in internal political 
tensions. It will be more difficult to maintain the cohesion of 10 
disparate countries, says Lee Poh Ping, an international-affairs 
specialist at the University of Malaya. He points out that Asean's six 
older members are more developed and have long practised market 
economics, whereas Burma, Cambodia and Laos have long been isolated from 
international markets. There's bound to be a clash of cultures, Lee 
says. 

Burma's growing economic and military ties with China could be one of 
the first tests for an enlarged Asean. China is very close to Myanmar, 
says another analyst in Kuala Lumpur, using the military leadership's 
name for Burma. If the Spratlys become a problem, he says, referring to 
islands in the South China Sea claimed by China and several Asean 
members, what will Myanmar's position be? 

Burma did nothing to help Asean rebut American opposition in the run up 
to the foreign ministers' meeting. In recent months, Rangoon has 
restricted the activities of opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and 
detained more than 300 members of her National League for Democracy, 
most of whom were only released on June 3. In a videotape smuggled out 
of Burma just before the Asean meeting, Suu Kyi said that Asean 
membership would make Rangoon's military leaders even more obdurate and 
oppressive. 

Asean officials insist that their decision to embrace Burma had nothing 
to do with giving Rangoon a good-housekeeping seal of approval. Instead, 
they say, it is a continuation of their policy of constructive 
engagement, which emphasizes economic cooperation and downplays 
political issues. 

And what if the human-rights situation in Burma worsens after its Asean 
membership? Now that Myanmar will be a member of Asean, Asean's policy 
of constructive engagement, which we will continue to pursue, will be 
more effective, I hope, Malaysia's Badawi told journalists. 

The three countries will be formally admitted at an Asean foreign 
ministers' meeting hosted by Malaysia in July. Observers say this year, 
the 30th anniversary of Asean's founding, provided a convenient peg for 
expanding membership. It's very symbolic, says Razak. If you have no 
fixed criteria for admitting new members, you have to fall back on 
certain events. 

Washington had been working behind the scenes for months to persuade 
Asean governments to proceed slowly on Burma's admission. On April 25, 
State Department spokesman Nicholas Burns told reporters that the U.S. 
was trying to use our influence to make the point that Burma should be 
given a stiff message that it is not welcome. His words provoked a 
strong reaction from Asean, prompting Washington to soften the wording 
of its opposition by acknowledging that membership was a matter for 
Asean to decide. 

Analysts and diplomats differ on the impact of Washington's lobbying 
efforts on Asean's decision to admit Burma. A senior Asean official says 
American opposition was only a minor consideration. He says delaying the 
decision until December, as some had suggested, was ruled out because it 
wouldn't have made the issue any less sensitive. 

Others believe Washington's tactics speeded up Rangoon's admission. The 
attempt by the U.S. to pressure Asean got the opposite result, says 
Razak of the Malaysian Strategic Research Centre. Asean became more 
resolved to unite Southeast Asia. 

In the U.S., analysts downplay the extent of the damage. Some argue that 
the American cause was lost because Washington hadn't tried hard enough 
to coordinate its Burma policy with Asean. The Clinton administration 
could have done better working with Asean by saying: ÔWe will delay 
sanctions if you delay membership,' says Douglas Paal of the 
Asia-Pacific Policy Centre, an independent think tank. 

A Democratic staffer in the House says that some American congressmen 
may ask Secretary of State Albright to boycott the Asean meeting in 
Kuala Lumpur in July. But even though she described Slorc as an ugly 
acronym for an ugly government in 1995, most analysts believe she will 
attend because of the importance Washington places on its ties with 
Asean. 

Still, no one expects the criticism of Rangoon to end after it joins 
Asean. Asean countries made a big mistake, but this is by no means the 
end of the battle over Burma or the end of our relations with Asean, 
says a Republican congressional aide in Washington. 

Since the decision on the new members, American officials have stressed 
that Washington and Asean have the same objectives with regard to Burma, 
but differ on how to achieve them. According to John Dinger, a State 
Department spokesman, We now look to Asean to use its good offices to 
urge the Slorc to seriously address our mutual concerns and urge the 
Slorc to enter into a productive dialogue with democratic forces in 
Burma. 

Robert Manning of the Progressive Policy Institute, a Washington think 
tank, believes that U.S. Asean relations will be tense for a while, but 
foresees no long-term damage. When push comes to shove and they dial 
911, who're they gonna call? he asks. America is Asean's only option, he 
says. 

Singapore's ambassador to Washington, Chan Heng Chee, puts it 
differently: The U.S. sees Asean as an important strategic friend. Now 
the Asean-10 is Southeast Asia and it's inconceivable that the U.S. 
would not want a relationship with Southeast Asia. We share a congruent 
interest in maintaining peace and stability. 

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"BURMA RELATED STUFF FROM THE NEW YORK TIMES"

June 6, 1997




Albright's Words: Global Task for U.S.


------------------------------------------------------------------------
Related Article 
? Albright, Speaking at Harvard, Calls for Activist Foreign Policy 
------------------------------------------------------------------------

Following are excerpts from Secretary of State Madeleine K. Albright's 
commencement address yesterday at Harvard University Her remarks were 
transcribed by the Federal News Service, a private transcription agency. 

<Picture: B>ritish Foreign Secretary Ernest Bevin called the Marshall 
Plan a "lifeline to sinking men," and it was -- although I expect some 
women in Europe were equally appreciative. By extending that lifeline, 
America helped unify Europe's west around democratic principles and 
planted seeds of trans-Atlantic partnership that would soon blossom in 
the form of NATO and the cooperative institutions of a new Europe. 

Just as important was the expression of American leadership that the 
Marshall Plan conveyed. After world War I, America had withdrawn from 
the world, shunning responsibility and avoiding risk. Others did the 
same. The result in the heart of Europe was the rise of great evil. 
After the devastation of World War II and the soul-withering horror of 
the Holocaust, it was not enough to say that the enemy had been 
vanquished -- that what we were against had failed. 

The generation of Marshall, Truman and Vandenberg was determined to 
build a lasting peace. 

And the message that generation conveyed from the White House, from both 
parties on Capitol Hill, and from people across our country who donated 
millions in relief cash, clothing, and food, was that, this time, 
America would not turn inward, America would lead. 

Today, in the wake of the cold war, it is not enough for us to say that 
Communism has failed. 

We, too, must heed the lessons of the past, accept responsibility and 
lead. 

Because we are entering a century in which there will be many 
interconnected centers of population, power, and wealth, we cannot limit 
our focus, as Marshall did in his speech, to the devastated battleground 
of a prior war. 

Our vision must encompass not one, but every continent. 

Unlike Marshall's generation, we face no single galvanizing threat. T












"THERE WILL BE NO REAL DEMOCRACY IF WE CAN'T GURANTEE THE RIGHTS OF THE 
MINORITY ETHNIC PEOPLE.  ONLY UNDERSTANDING THEIR SUFFERING AND HELPING 
THEM TO EXERCISE THEIR RIGHTS WILL ASSIST THE DISINTEGRATION AND THE 
SESESSION."  "WITHOUT UNDERSTANDING THEIR STRENGTH, WE CAN'T TOPPLE THE 
SLORC."


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