[Date Prev][Date Next][Thread Prev][Thread Next][Date Index ][Thread Index ]

From Paris: The Economist, Editoria

Subject: From Paris: The Economist, Editorial Burma & Story

>From EuroBurmanet, grace de Keith Hudson <ac972@xxxxxxxxxxxxxx> for 
Editorial and article, be sure to email Economist, To the Editors, for 
you comments and opinion (thats also why they publish what they do). 
i only have their URL handy, you can find email on their web

please send us your comments too!

Metta, thank you, peace, happiness and long life. Virtually yours, 
Dawn Star  (Paris)  <cd@xxxxxxx>

Burmanet / TOTAL Coordinator (France) 
Euro-Burmanet  (Paris, France) 
Free Burma Coalition

815 Fifteenth Street NW
 Suite 910
Washington, DC 20005

Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB)
P.O Box 6720
ST.Olavs Plass
0130 Oslo, Norway
Tel: 47-22-200021, Tel/fax:47-22-362525

Norway NCGUB you must make e-mail address to 
level one (1)maung@xxxxxxxxxxx (the PM office e-mail)
level two (2)NCGUB Europe, U Nwe Aung 
	     e-mail <101564.2652@xxxxxxxxxxxxxx> 

All members of the House can be reached through the Congressional 
Switchboard, at (202) 224-3121. 
While some members have E-mail, electronic communication is not as 
effective as a
telephone call or fax.

President William Clinton
The White House
1600 Pennsylvania Ave. NW
Washington DC 20500
(202) 456-1414

Warren Christopher
Secretary of State
Department of State
2201 C. Street NW
Washington DC 20520
(202) 647-4000

National Security Advisor Anthony Lake
National Security Council
The White House
1600 Pennsylvania Ave. NW
Washington DC 20500
(202) 456-9481


Your  pass into the following sites, and much more. 


Help support our effort. Write now, to : 

Mrs. Emma BONINO

The European Commission
Directorate General 1B
External Relations
(Directorate 1B, D, Division 3)
Rue de la Lois/Westraat 200
B-1049 Brussels

EC Humanitarian Office Website : http://europa.eu.int/en/comm/echo/echo

Join the Free Burma Coalition. Call 608-256-6572 or email: 


Help support  the TOTAL WORLDWIDE BOYCOTT by donating funds to 
EURO-BURMANET: Email cd@xxxxxxx

Send letters and cut-up UNOCAL / TEXACO / ARCO / TOTAL charge cards to:

Roger Beach, CEO 
Unocal Corporation 
2141 Rosecrans Blvd., Suite 4000 / El
Segundo, CA 90245 
Tel: 310-726-7600

Gary Jones, CEO 
Total North America 
Total Tower, 900 19th Street 
CO 80202 
Tel: 303-291-2000

Send your letters now : 

Thierry Desmarest, CEO, President of Exploration and Production,
HQ: 24 Cours Michelet 92800 Puteaux France
Tel: 33-1-41-35-40-00  Fax: 33-1-41-35-64-65

E-mail : 
Paris France,  : <hourcard@xxxxxxxxx>
New York City  <TOTALNYC@xxxxxxx> , <roberth@xxxxxxxxx>

All members of the US House of Representatives can be reached through 
the Congressional Switchboard, at (202) 224-3121

While some members have E-mail, electronic communication is not as 
effective as a
telephone call or fax. Sent a letter, mark Free Burma Now, on the 
envelop. Its effective.

President William Clinton
The White House
1600 Pennsylvania Ave. NW
Washington DC 20500
(202) 456-1414

Warren Christopher
Secretary of State
Department of State
2201 C. Street NW
Washington DC 20520
(202) 647-4000

National Security Advisor Anthony Lake
National Security Council
The White House
1600 Pennsylvania Ave. NW
Washington DC 20500
(202) 456-9481


> ---------------------------------
> (From the Leaders, 5 October, page 17)
> Constructive engagement has failed. Tougher policies are needed if Myanmar's
> junta is to be dislodged
> If there is a single issue that has consistently divided western countries
> from those of South-East Asia, it is Myanmar.  That may seem odd.  Although
> it has 45m people, Myan mar is of little economic or strategic significance.
> It provokes disagreement, however, because it involves some basic issues of
> principle.  For many in the West, it provides a clear example of the
> unacceptable suppression of democracy by a corrupt, military regime: an
> obvious case for coordinated international pressure.  Most of Myanmar's
> neighbours take a different view.  They see the West as posturing over
> Myanmar, trying to impose its own, inappropriate values on an Asian country.
> ASEAN, the seven-member Association of South-East Asian Nations, has
> consistently argued instead for a policy of constructive engagement.  Such a
> policy, it says, will bring about change in a gradual, manageable way
> without the risks of disorder that a swift transition to democracy might
> bring. But with Myanmar's generals arresting critics and restricting
> opponents (see page 83) the arguments for constructive engagement have
> collapsed. It is time for a rethink.
>         If constructive engagement is ditched, it will mark a significant shift in
> policy for both Asia and the West. In the past few years, it has been the
> softer Asian approach that has gained ground.  For all its huffing and
> puffing about Myanmar, the West has done little to discomfort its leaders.
> When, last year, Myanmar's generals ended the house arrest of Aung San Suu
> Kyi, the leader of the democratic opposition, the proponents of constructive
> engagement took heart.  The next prize they dangled before Myanmar's
> generals was membership of ASEAN, an honour that would signal their
> acceptance in polite society.  At a recent ASEAN meeting it was made clear
> that Myanmar could expect to join within a year.
>         In theory -- the theory of constructive engagement, that is -- this should
> have encouraged Myanmar's generals to press ahead in the search for
> political reconciliation at home. It didn't.  Encouraged by the belief that
> international recognition was around the corner, Myanmar's generals
> abandoned any pretence of tolerating opposition.  Over the past week they
> have arrested more than 500 members of the National League for Democracy,
> Miss Suu Kyi's party. Only her international celebrity has so far saved Miss
> Suu Kyi from a similar fate.  Instead, she is once again a virtual prisoner
> in her own home, leading a party that has been largely eviscerated.
>         The latest round of arrests is only the most recent example of the
> repression that has been taking place for months.  But this time even ASEAN
> seems uneasy.  There are now mumblings that Myanmaes bid for membership of
> ASEAN may be put on hold. If the South-East Asians are sincere in their
> protestations that they want to promote change in Myanmar, they must make it
> clear that Myanmar's membership of ASEAN will remain impossible until Miss
> Suu Kyi and her followers are allowed back into political life.
> Not tigers, polecats
> As for the West, there is now talk of economic sanctions against Myanmar.
> Boycotts organised by pressure groups have persuaded several big western
> companies to pull out of the country.  President Clinton has just signed
> legislation which gives him the power to ban new American investment in
> Myanmar.  He may use the power, if only because Miss Suu Kyi's party --
> which unambiguously won a democratic election in 1990 -- has called for it.
> Economic sanctions -- porous at best, divisive at worst -- rarely work. But
> life can be made harderfor the generals. ASEAN is now hesitating about
> admitting Myanmar largely because it realises that it could damage the
> organisation's image as well as its relations with the West.  Democrats
> everywhere should make it plain that, until there is real change in Myanmar
> -- -meaning genuine freedom for Miss Suu Kyi and her party, and a timetable
> for a return to democratic civilian rule -- the country's rulers will be
> treated as polecats.
> -------------------------------------------------------------
> (from ASIA section, page 83)
> Yangdon
> There is an old joke in Myanmar:George Orwell's "Burmese Days", based on his
> time as a colonial policeman, is a good book, but not as good as his second
> novel about the country, "1984".  The name the junta gives itself, "the
> State Law and order Restoration Council" -- SLORC -- has an Orwellian ring.
> And Orwell's word "doublethink" might have been invented to describe the
> generals' mental processes.
>         Thus, when the junta's spokesmen met the press on October 1st, they were
> able to contradict themselves without, apparently, noticing.  On the one
> hand, they argued, the SLORC has brought Myanmar peace, stability and the
> hope of prosperity, earning the loyalty of its people.  On the other hand,
> stability is so fragile that a meeting of a few hundred of its opponents
> might plunge the country into bloodshed.  Similarly, the SLORC is working
> hard to establish multi-party democracy; but there is no need for any
> "opposition group".  Or again, the opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi is
> "free to go where she wants"; but no, reporters may not cross the blockade
> now mounted by soldiers at the end of her street. (In practice, she has had
> to sneak out to meet them.)
>         The soldiers took up positions on the night of September 26th to stop
> members of Miss Suu Kyi's party, the National League for Democracy (NLD),
> attending a meeting at her house.  The junta has acknowledged that it locked
> up 159 peoplc who wanted to attend and that another 414 activists were taken
> from their beds and into custody on the night of September 27th. Iit said
> that 163 detainees had been freed by October 2nd. Miss Suu Kyi has spoken of
> over 800 supporters being arrested, and many people not directly connected
> to her party appear to have been picked up recently in sweeps in the
> capital.  The NLD's headquarters were closed down, supposedly at the behest
> of the party's landlord.  Telephone lines to Miss Suu Kyi and her most
> senior lieutenants were out of order.  Taxi drivers were loth to go near
> their houses, scared that their registration numbers would be noted, and
> they would receive a knock on the door in the small hours.
>         The blockade of Miss Suu Kyi's house was supposed to last until September
> 30th, by when the planned meeting would have been over.  But the soldiers
> stayed put.  It seems the junta has decided to stop Miss Suu Kyi's weekly
> speeches over her garden gate to the crowds who gather outside.  That would
> close the only access she has had to ordinary people since her "release"
> from six years of house arrest injuly 1995.
>         Clearly Miss Suu Kyi can still frighten the SLORC into what looks like a
> paranoid over-reaction.  But, according to its own pronouncements, the SLORC
> has plenty to be paranoid about. It has fretted about divisions in the armed
> forces and accused the NLD of sowing dissension among the large and
> influential Buddhist monkhood.  It seems worried about the durability of the
> ceasefire agreements it has signed with 16 rebel ethnic groups in the border
> areas. And it knows that, in elections it arranged in 1990 and then ignored,
> the people of Myanmar unambiguously chose the NLD.
>         It also sees itself as a victim of a conspiracy by foreigners, especially  from the United States.  Official newspapers have produced 
detailed lists of  all of Miss Suu Kyi's numerous encounters with 
foreign diplomats.  The
> Americans, says the SLORC, helped Miss Suu Kyi cook up the idea of an NLD
> meeting, to bring intemational pressure on the junta.  An American diplomat
> in Yangon, Marilyn Meyem has been accused of "intimidation" for warning
> Myanmar's foreign ministry of the possible consequences of disrupting the
> meeting.  As she sees it, she was merely attempting to head off a worsening
> of already strained relations between Myanmar and America.
>  Legislation signed by President Clinton on October 1st threatens a ban 
> investment in Myanmar if Miss Suu Kyi is "rearrested for political acts", or
> if there is "large-scale repression" of the opposition.  The junta may have
> met those conditions even before the law was passed.  The detentions, which
> follow a similar sweep before an NLD congress in May, may also provoke
> European sanctions, as well as making it hard for Japan to resume aid,
> andfor the regional club ASEAN to admit Myanmar as a member.
>         The junta in public shrugs off such risks. It will do whatever is
> necessary, it says, to ensure there is no repeat of the turmoil and
> slaughter that surrounded its seizure of power in 1988 .The necessary, it
> appears, includes the quashing o fall domestic opposition, even of the
> peaceful sort represented by Miss Suu Kyi.  She has long appealed for a
> dialogue with the generals, and repeated that plea at her furtive press
> conference on October 2nd, but it now seems forlorn. Miss Suu Kyi, however,
> refused to accept the latest bout of repression as a setback. Rather, it had
> shown the world that the SLORC is "getting worse not better".  True enough.
> And so is the NLD's ability to function within Myanmar.
> -------------
> ________________________________________________________________________> 
> Keith Hudson, 6 Upper Camden Place, Bath BA1 5HX, England
> Tel:01225 312622/444881; Fax:01225 447727; E-mail:ac972@xxxxxxxxxxxxxx
> ________________________________________________________________________