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BurmaNet News : July 16, 1996




-------------------------- BurmaNet -------------------------------
"Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies"
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The BurmaNet News: July 16, 1996 
Issue #467

Noted in Passing: 
                           Some people say we are anti-business and against 
		businessmen . . . this is not true,said DAASK(see: 
		STRAITS TIMES: ASSK DENIES SHE IS AGAINST 
		BUSINESS) 
HEADLINES:
=========
ASSK: SATURDAY SPEECH, JULY 13
UPI: ASEAN OPPOSES BURMA ISOLATION
REUTER: ASEAN SEES NO MORALITY PROBLEM 
THE NATION: SPECTRE OF STH. AFRICA CONFRONTS RANGOON
STRAITS TIMES: ASSK DENIES SHE IS AGAINST BUSINESS 
AM. ISSUES: BURMA BAN THE BEST WAY TO GO?
SLORC/AFP: SLORC LECTURES JOURNALISTS--TWO VIEWS
HKS: BURMESE MEDIA SAYS DIPLOMAT DIED OF DESTINY
FDHR: BURMA ARMY, WHERE TO NOW ?
DP:LETTER- WORLD MUST PROTEST ATROCITIES IN MYANMAR
KYEMON: "IF YOU'RE BRAZEN ENOUGH"
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

ASSK: SATURDAY SPEECH, JULY 13
July 15, 1996

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi ended her 4:00pm speech on Saturday, July 13 
with: "I was asked to say a few words in English about what we have been 
discussingat this meeting today."

"First of all, I answered questions which came up from the people.  
There were different types of questions but there was one very interesting 
 one which came from the Sagaing Division.  This came with a number of 
photographs and it is about forced labor.  It was from a young student in 
Monywa and he explained about the forced labor projects in which all 
the people in his area had to take part and he sent photographs showing 
how hard they had to work.  He also sent a so-called "invitation" to take 
part in this labor project.  It said "Invitation" on top.  "Invitation to take 
part in voluntary work," is what it said.  But, in fact, in said later that if 
they failed to turn up they would  be punished.  So you can see that forced 
labor is quite different from voluntary labor.  If it were really voluntary, 
there would be no need to threaten punishment to those who do not come.  
And also, at the end of the "invitation" there was a little note saying that 
all these invitations must be handed in at the voluntary labor camp.  
So this means that they were aware of the fact that it (the invitation) 
could be used as evidence that there is forced labor in Burma.

"Those of you who have followed the developments of the ILO 
(International Labor Organization) conference some weeks ago will be 
aware that Burma was accused of breaking Convention Number 29 which 
forbids forced labor.  Of course, the authorities already claim that there 
is no such thing as forced labor in Burma.  But I would like to make the 
point that these very so-called "invitations" are proof that there is forced 
labor in Burma and that many of our people are made to undertake very 
very difficult work involving much hardship against their will on pain 
of punishment should they refuse. This is why we protest against forced 
labor in Burma.

"The rest of my speech concerns Martyrs' Day, which is on the 19th of July.
Some people complain that this year there have been no arrangements to honor
Martyrs' Day.  My point is that we honor our dead leaders not by ceremonies
but by doing what they would have wished us to do.  It is not important that
there should be any formal ceremonies.  What is important is that we should
act in accordance with the principles laid down by the founding fathers of our
nation.  That, in short, is what our meeting was all about.

*********************************************************

UPI: ASEAN OPPOSES BURMA ISOLATION
July 15, 1996
        
JAKARTA, Indonesia,- Indonesian Foreign Minister Ali
Alatas reaffirmed Monday the Association of Southeast Asian Nations
will continue its policy of constructive engagement toward Burma,
strongly opposing the isolation of Rangoon suggested by some Western
countries.
        
Alatas, who is chairman of the ASEAN standing committee, said
ASEAN adopted its constructive engagement policy toward Myanmar
several years ago, but he declined to go into further details.
        
He said ASEAN believes the situation in Myanmar needs to be
resolved by the Myanmarese people themselves.
        
Burma has come under international criticism for its military
junta's handling of opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi.
        
Some western countries, including the United States, urge
international economic sanctions against Burma and keeping the
country out of ASEAN.
        
Suu Kyi supports an embargo as well as the exclusion of Burma
from ASEAN, but this has been strongly opposed by the other nations
in the region.
        
Alatas said Burma will be an observer at ASEAN's ministerial
meeting on July 20-21 in Jakarta, along with Cambodia, Laos and
Papua New Guinea. The meeting will be followed by the ASIAN Regional
Forum on July 23.
        
***********************************************************        

REUTER: ASEAN SEES NO MORALITY PROBLEM 
July 15, 1996
By Raju Gopalakrishn

     JAKARTA, - Indonesia said on Monday there were no objections from 
any member nations to Burma being granted observer status in ASEAN 
and joining the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) security grouping.

     Foreign Minister Ali Alatas told reporters that all seven members of
the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the 19-member 
ARF grouping had either explicitly endorsed Burma's participation or not 
raised any objections.

     Indonesia hosts the annual ASEAN foreign ministers' meeting later 
this week and then the ARF meeting.
     The United States, which will be represented by Secretary of State
Warren Christopher at the ARF meeting, has said it will consult 
Southeast Asian nations on how to curb the Burmese military government's 
suppression of a pro-democracy movement.
     It has said economic sanctions could be one such move. Some diplomats 
have privately questioned the wisdom of allowing Burma to join a multilateral 
organisation like ASEAN when its government is accused of repression.
     
European Union foreign ministers, meeting in Brussels later on Monday,
are also expected to come under pressure to impose sanctions on Burma.
     
Alatas said any such proposal in the ASEAN meetings would be rejected.
     "We do realise that the situation in Burma is one which needs some
resolution," Alatas said. "We thought the best way was not to approach it
through the application of economic sanctions or isolating them again or
putting them in a corner publicly.
     
"ASEAN prefers to talk quietly about things that are sensitive to
certain countries. That is what we have been trying to do, talk quietly at
the ministerial level, at the lower level. This is what we are going to
continue to do. Other countries may have their own views."
    
He said Burmese democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi had written to
ASEAN heads of state asking them to intervene in the stand-off with 
Burma's military junta.
  
"At this stage, we are not yet in a position to react," Alatas said.
"We have just received it (the letter), it has just been presented to our
president."
He said Burma's admission as an observer to ASEAN was a precursor to
becoming a full member.
     
Laos and Cambodia have formally applied to join ASEAN by 1997, Alatas
said. ASEAN, which groups Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines,
Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam, will decide on the modalities at the
foreign ministers' meeting, he said.
     Also, India, China and Russia will be made dialogue partners of ASEAN,
while India and Burma will formally join ARF, taking the number of 
members in the group to 21, he said.

***********************************************************

THE NATION: SPECTRE OF STH. AFRICA CONFRONTS RANGOON
July 15, 1996

The first anniversary of Aung San Suu Kyi's release from house 
detention has signalled the end of a 12-month period in which 
little appears to have changed in Burma.

The junta remains entrenched in power, the National Convention 
which was set up to draft a new constitution remains in recess 
and there is no sign of the military government or opposition 
bridging the huge division that remains between them. Even Suu 
Kyi's so called freedom bears a remarkable resemblance to her 
detention. Apart from an open invitation to leave the country, 
the junta has refused to allow her travel far from her front gate 
or even meet her husband.

But after one year of discouraging political stasis, there are 
hints of movement, if not in in Rangoon then certainly on the 
international stage. The hope,once again, is that this will lead 
to progress - and not a showdown.

Over the last week, Asean acknowledged for the first that its 
policy of constructive engagement was not working. Still, in the 
words of Thai Foreign Minster Amnuay Viravan, the group would not 
abandon the policy, but "redouble our efforts, make it more 
constructive.

There are also growing signs of Washington's readiness to enforce 
economic sanctions against Burma if approved by the US Congress. 
US President Bill Clinton called sanctions a "useful tool" last 
week and Secretary of State Warren Christopher vowed to pursue 
the idea with Asian states.

Tortured to death
In Europe, the outrage over Burma has reached new levels 
following the death of James Leander Nichols.

Denmark's demands that the European Union implement sanctions 
against Burma have so far met resistance. Most European nations 
only want to take action as part of a UN campaign.

Comparisons between Burma and South Africa have been made since 
black nationalist leader Nelson Mandela was freed in 1990 under a 
deal that ultimately led to elections and his assumption of the 
presidency. Much of the credit for the end of apartheid in South 
Africa was given to an international campaign that isolated South 
Africa for more than two decades.

But such a campaign is unlikely to succeed in the case of Burma 
because of the strong support Rangoon receives from its Asian 
neighbours, most notably the Asean states and China.

Still the rising awareness about the abuses in Burma is raising 
the pressure on Slorc and also Asean.

Rangoon's leaders have shown a buffalo-like indifference to 
international opinion such as two years ago when it attacked 
ethnic Mons on the Thai border as Bangkok hosted an Asean summit 
that marked Rangoon's return from international isolation. Again 
in May, Rangoon arrested more than 250 NLD activists just two 
weeks after it received an invitation to attend Asean's much 
trumpeted Regional Forum.

Much at stake
But for Asean much is at stake. Its failure to handle the Burma 
issue properly could damage it enormously, not only in terms of 
credibility but also in how effective it can be in responding to 
regional problems. Burma is slated for membership in the next few 
years but at present there is surely little room for such a 
rogue, uncompromising member.

Sanctions are messy, hard to police and painful. But much the 
same can also be said for Asean's constructive engagement policy.

It is now becoming difficult for Asean to say that their passive 
implementation of the policy is not supporting the Rangoon junta. 
Asean recognition of the junta an dits adherence to its policy of 
"non-interference in the affairs of a foreign country" are 
trumpeted by Rangoon as proof of its legitimacy.

In trust Rangoon's only legitimacy has come from the barrel of a 
gun.If Asean wants to demonstrate its respect for the kind of 
power that comes from a ballot box it must follow through on its 
vow to step up the pressure on Rangoon.

It will have a good opportunity to do so, when Rangoon's leaders 
attend an Asean ministerial meeting in Jakarta with official 
observer status

*********************************************************

STRAITS TIMES: ASSK DENIES SHE IS AGAINST BUSINESS 
July 15, 1996 

YANGON -- Myanmar's pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi denied 
that her movement was anti-business as the state-controlled media derided 
her as a puppet of the United States' Central Intelligence Agency. 

"Some people say we are anti-business and against businessmen . . . this is 
not true," the leader of the opposition National League for Democracy said 
on Saturday in one of her twice-weekly addresses at her residence. 

"We advocate the kind of business which benefits the whole country . . . the 
kind that makes people happy and satisfied," she said, adding that economic 
development promoted by the current regime endangered the moral fibre of 
the nation. 

She was responding to critics who attacked her call for a boycott on foreign 
investment in Myanmar, which she said propped up the ruling military 
junta. She said economic development was not necessarily solved all her 
country's problems. 

Her comments came amid growing signs of Washington's readiness to 
enforce economic sanctions against Myanmar if approved by the US 
Congress. 

Meanwhile, the state media accused the Nobel laureate of being a stooge of 
the CIA, which it said had meddled persistently in Myanmar's internal 
affairs since independence in 1948. 

The CIA was "forcefully promoting their decoy and puppet" in the face of 
massive public condemnation, a commentary published in all state 
controlled newspapers alleged on Saturday. 

The commentary, printed under the name Maung Pho Hmat, alleged that the 
CIA's hand could be seen behind the NLD leader, "meddling in Myanmar's 
internal affairs". -- AFP.

*************************************************************

AM. ISSUES: BURMA BAN THE BEST WAY TO GO?
July 15, 996
        
           BOSTON  - Burma's opposition leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, has
        had little success persuading military rulers to come to the
        negotiating table to talk about moving toward democracy, but human
        rights activists in the United States have made significant inroads
        this year in convincing the U.S government and corporations to shun
        the repressive regime.
        
           Massachusetts recently became the first state to pass a law
        prohibiting state agencies from doing business with companies that
        operate in the Southeast Asian country, which is slightly smaller
        than the state of Texas. San Francisco and seven other U.S. cities
        have passed similar "selective purchasing" laws. The Massachusetts
        law will go into effect in September.
        
           And before the August recess, Congress is expected to vote on
        even tougher federal sanctions included in the Senate's Foreign
        Operations Appropriations Bill.
        
           The proposed federal sanctions would prohibit U.S. investments,
        ban foreign aid and require U.S. officials to vote against
        international lending to Burma and to deny entry visas to members of
        the military junta and their families.
        
           That will likely affect more than 100 multinational companies
        with investments, product distribution or employees in the country,
        which also goes by the name Myanmar.
        
           The list includes Pepsi, Texaco and Apple computers, according to
        the Investors Responsibility Research Center in Washington.
        
           Some companies, notably Levi Strauss, Liz Claiborne and Federated
        Department Stores, have already ceased operations in Burma. Pepsi
        this spring announced plans to sell its share of a bottling plant in
        the country. However, it will continue to sell its basic syrup and
        license the use of its trademark there.
        
           The U.S. divestment campaign has the support of Suu Kyi, the 1991
        Nobel Peace Prize laureate, who has repeatedly called on foreigners
        to put off investment until after a democratic transition.
        
           Yet critics say economically isolating Burma's government will
        only stymie dialogue that could lead to liberalization. They point
        to Suu Kyi's release and moves to attract foreign investment as
        signs of change in the country.
        
           "For reasons of our national interest and theirs, it is better to
        have more trade and more American investment in Burma," 
       said Thomas Vallely of the Harvard Institute for International 
       Development, who supports a more conciliatory approach.
        
           Burma's role as the world's principal supplier of illegal opium
        and heroin has been a cause of international concern. Vallely said
        drug lords have been threatening "to establish a shadow government"
        and sanctions might push Burma into their hands, and they would be
        even less democratic than the military. There is also the role
        played by China, which controls trade along a common border and is a
        key arms supplier to the Burmese military.
        
           Also, Vallely said, sanctions would not have as much effect on
        Burma as they had on South Africa because of its size. Burma has 45
        million people, about the same number as South Africa, but crowded
        into half the space. Burma's $613.4 million in exports - $67 million
        to the United States - is just a fraction of South Africa's. Burma's
        gross domestic product of $41 billion is far short of South Africa's
        $171 billion.
        
           "If our pressure on Burma succeeds in slowing growth in coming
        decades, the result...could over time condemn millions to poverty
        and ignorance on a scale far worse than anything yet seen in South
        Africa," Vallely said.
        
           The situation in Burma gained worldwide notice when the military
        government ignored the opposition's 1990 election victory, banned
        political parties and public gatherings, and arrested hundreds of
        activists.
        
           Those rights violations, and efforts by the National League for
        Democracy to end military rule, makes the Free Burma campaign one
        many Americans can embrace, said Massachusetts state Rep. Byron
        Rushing, who sponsored the new law.
        
           "In Burma you have a very organized, pro-democracy movement
        operating in a way Americans can understand," Rushing said.
        
           Some restrictions have been eased in Burma, but opinions differ
        whether it is because of attention being focused on Suu Kyi, or
        because Burma wants to increase its foreign trade.
        
           Most U.S members of the Free Burma Movement never have been to
        the country, known for its Buddhist temples, tropical forests and
        poppy fields. They organize primarily on the Internet, where Burmese
        nationalists orchestrate the movement from a terminal at the
        University of Wisconsin at Madison, one of the cities to pass
        sanctions this year.
        
           "This fight is testimony that grassroots action really works,'
        said Julia Carpenter, issues director for Citizens for Participation
        in Political Action. The Boston lobby coordinates the efforts of
        human rights activists, students, church groups and investors
        concerned with Burma's dismal human rights record.
         
**********************************************************

SLORC/AFP: SLORC LECTURES JOURNALISTS--TWO VIEWS
July 15, 1996

Translated Text:   Major General Aye Kyaw, minister of information, held 
a cordial meeting with foreign correspondents [note:  Burmese stringers 
for foreign news organizations] of Myanmar [Burma] at 10.00 this morning 
at the conference hall of the Office of the Minister of Information on Bo 
Aung Kyaw Street in Yangon [Rangoon].  He spoke and discussed matters 
related to information.  Minister Maj.  Gen.  Aye Kyaw said following its 
assumption of state responsibilities, the government systematically 
formed the Foreign Correspondents Club of Myanmar [Burma] [FCCM] 
and made arrangements for their office.  He said the government recognized 
the club and conducted relations with it with respect.  The organization has 
been invited to attend state functions and arrangements were made for the 
foreign correspondents to freely report to their respective news 
agencies.  He said it is known to all how the authorities recognized the 
foreign correspondents.

He said the unique feature of the FCCM is that except for XINHUA 
correspondent, Mr. (Zhou Yung Pei), all foreign correspondents are 
Myanmar citizens.  He noted in other countries, foreign correspendents 
are foreigners who have no attachment to the countries they are assigned 
to and are loyal only to their own country.  Maj.  Gen. Aye Kyaw said 
since foreign correspondents are Myanmar citizens it is necessary that 
they be patriotic.  However, he said, the action of some journalists from 
the foreign news agencies have created some misunderstanding.  He said we 
are relentlessly working night and day to develop the country into a 
modern and developed nation according to the 12 set objectives.  He said 
it is necessary to have a clear and unbiased outlook free of subjectivity 
toward the works of the State Law and Order Restoration Council and to be 
patriotic.

He said no investigations have been carried out on the subjective work of 
some foreign correspondents.  However, he said we are aware of who they 
are.  He said he believed that members of the FCCM -- a unique 
organization formed by Myanmar citizens -- would shoulder their 
responsibilities objectively.  He called on the correspondents to discuss 
their needs, and weaknesses and strengths in collecting and dispatching 
news.

Next, U Sein Win, chairman of the FCCM and foreign correspondents who 
were present at the meeting presented their views on gathering and 
dispatching news.  The meeting ended at 11.15 after Information Minister 
Maj.  Gen.  Aye Kyaw replied on the points raised at the meeting.

End TV Myanmar text.

[Hong Kong AFP in English at on July 11 in a Rangoon datelined report, 
adds the following: 

Meeting with 17 local members of the Foreign Correspondents Club (FCC), 
Aye Kyaw said he deplored what he called biased reports sent by members 
based on false accusations against the government by the opposition.  He 
accused opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi of using the whole spectrum of 
the foreign media to attack the military government and warned there was 
limit to its patience.  He did not elaborate.  

Aye Kyaw added that there was no need for dialogue with the opposition, 
which Aung San Suu Kyi has repeatedly demanded since her release from 
six  years of house arrest a year ago.
    
"'Why do we need a dialogue when there is a National Convention...which 
is the platform for dialogue," he said.  "There's no need to discuss anything 
with us."

"You will not be doing your duty as a citizen if you write about things 
that are not true," he said, urging the journalists to report accurately 
on the situation in Burma and give credit where it was due.

Aye Kyaw said the military, despite facing numerous obstacles, was 
committed to turning Burma into a peaceful, modern and developed state 
where multi-party democracy prevailed.

We have laid down clearly defined political, economic and social 
objectives...and as a disciplined and well-trained insitution... we know 
exactly what to do and how to go about it," he said.
Burma today, the general said, was seeing spectacular changes and 
enjoying peace and stability as never before.

"We are determined to maintain this state of affairs and will see to it 
that this is not jeopardized in any way by confrontations, demonstrations 
or attempts to get people onto the streets," he said.

***********************************************************

HKS: BURMESE MEDIA SAYS DIPLOMAT DIED OF DESTINY
July 15, 1996 (abridged)

RANGOON: A commentary in an official Burmese newspaper said on 
Monday an honorary consul for several European nations who died in 
jail last month was an unimportant crook who met his due fate. 

James Leander (Leo) Nichols, an unaccredited representative for Norway, 
Denmark, Finland and Switzerland, died on 22 June. Differing accounts say 
he died of a heart attack or stroke. 

Calling Nichols a ``bad-hat'', the commentary in the New Light of Myanmar 
newspaper said condemnation and demands for details of Nichols death by 
many Western nations were exaggerated. 

``I cannot find a reason why there is such exaggeration and fault-finding 
over the death of an unimportant crook,'' it said. 

``The bad-hat must have died because of destiny, as a retribution,'' it said. 
``He knew he had a disease. He took medicines...Yet he was reckless with 
food and lazy and sought luxury so it was not strange that he met his fate 
thus.'' 

The article repeated an earlier statement that Nichols was not mistreated, 
and that he had masseurs and people fanning him. 

The article gave a detailed list of pathology results from an autopsy 
conducted on Nichols. 

Among other things it said Nichols had a hardening of the arteries, 
cardiovascular disease, scarred heart muscles, contracted kidneys due to 
high blood pressure and congestion of the spleen, brain and adrenal gland. 

The author of the commentary, Byatti, said he obtained the results in an 
effort to reply to the Danish government which complained it had not 
received a full report on the cause of Nichols' death. 

The commentary warned governments not to keep harping on Nichols' 
death. 

``If they wish the bad-hat to ascend to a good abode in his next existence, 
they should not have much ado about his death,'' it said.

*********************************************************

FDHR: BURMA ARMY, WHERE TO NOW ?
July 15,1996 (Forum for Democracy and Human Rights)

More soldiers turned aside from a military command to the civilian 
government. Burma Army, where to now ? 

One of the primary pillars of support to the SLORC is known to be the 
army. Gen. Ne Win has made use of Burma army to build his own power
Since then  the army was trained and proficient just to obey the orders 
of whatsoever sort they were given. The very tactics was successful due 
to the fact that administration, judiciary and everything has been of the 
military and for the military. The Generals become to think that exclusively 
they are the super-ones. It is tragic that the olive greens have no chance 
of logical perception. Likewise the civilians have been forced to adhere not 
only to so-called laws but also to oral instructions of rank and file. In fact 
even an empty threat works. 

When the 26 years of marathon BSPP experience was proved to be absolute 
failure, a new group of guys try to manipulate the army again notwithstanding 
the whole country. They attempt to strengthen its physical support by expending 
the number of soldiers twice as much. How are the new soldiers? What is the 
trend of that pillar of support?

The following is an analysis on the soldiers who have deflected voluntarily 
from a military regime, SLORC to the civilian elected government, NCGUB. 
The first batch of five turned aside four months ago and the second group of 
six in June 1996 to the western end.

Why did they join the army?

Two joined army as they loved fighting with arms ,
One was lured to join the army  
One was kidnapped by the army to join while he was doing his own 
business
Three joined army because of uneasy social lives  and
Four joined army because of poverty.

Particulars of eleven ex-soldiers

 Name	             Age	Rank	Private #Unit	Service	Education
1. Kyaw Moe 	22	L. Corp.	825676 	LIG 269	5 years	Monastery 
2. Aung Win	24	Private	963398	LIG 269	1 years	Class 4
3. San Oo	21	Private	996567  LIG 269	1 years	Illiterate
4. Khin Maung Wa19	Private	963599	LIG 269	1 years	Class 4
5. Kyaw Naing Lin18	Private	977037	LIG 269	1 years	Class 7
6. Kyaw Moe Khine21	Private	996204	LIG 269	8 years	Illiterate
7. Win Zaw	20	Private	911747	LIG 269	2 years +Class 6
8. Kyaw Zan	18	Private	954988	LIG 540	2 years +Class 1
9. San Lin	22	Private	959624	LIG 269	1 year -	Class 4
10. Kyaw Han	24	Private	826279	LIG 269	4 years +Class 5
11. Khin Maung Oo24	Private	772571	LIG 269	5 years	Class 5
  
Why did they run away from Burma army?

A. DISCRIMINATION BETWEEN OFFICERS AND OTHER RANKS.
     * Privates are like the slaves of the seniors.
     * Officers have other ways of income such as taking money from 
     businessmen and the people.
     * Forced to obey any sort of orders such as looting from the villagers 
     and requisition of porters.
     * Punished if they could not fulfill the necessities of the officers 
     including hunting for the girls.
     * Only officers get meat tins at the front line while soldiers have to eat 
     just boiled vegetable.
     * Relation between officers and soldiers is grave.
     * Officers are not properly punished for their offenses .

B. INSUFFICIENT SALARY.
    * The salary of a private is 600 kyat / month.
    Saving 100/-, Donation 5/-, Welfare 10/-, Unit reserve 5/-, Calendar 15/
    Rice for widows 15/-,Compulsory monthly lottery 50/-, etc. are deducted. 
    The net payment is just 400/month.
    * Soldiers have to buy their own uniforms and medicine. 
    * Food ration is also reduced by shrinking the measuring cups.

C. DO NOT ENJOY SUPPRESSION AND OVERPOWERING CIVILIANS.
     * Harassment of the people.
     * Use of forced porters.
     * Penalty, fine and/or punishment for shortage or failure of porter 
     contribution.
     * Rape and molestation of women and girls.
     * Looting private properties and food. 
     * Force the villagers to wear military uniforms while marching across 
      the risky front line.
     * Seize the land of the civilians to make new military establishments.
     * Use the free civilian labor for military constructions.
     * Order the villagers to cultivate the military farms.
     * Urged soldiers to marry Christian girls.
     * They become to learn that people hate the army.
     * Recruitment based on quota system. 

D. LACK OF LIBERTY IN THE ARMY.
    * No newspaper, no TV for ordinary soldiers.
    * If there is TV, only Myawaddy (military) channel is shown.
    * No radio. If there is radio, no BBC, no VOA, no DVB.
    * No discussion on any issue critical of the SLORC.
    * Military intelligent are sandwiched among them.
    * Retirement from army is uncertain.
    * Personal mails are usually opened or not delivered.
    * No knowledge of what is going on outside their military unit.

How do they feel here?

* We love the way we are living now.
* We do not want to hold arms again.
* We are surprised to learn how and what other people here are striving 
against.
* We realize that we have been shut our eyes and closed our ears in the 
army.
* We feel at ease by reason of the people will not hate us now.
* We would like to serve hand in hand with the people who are fighting 
against the dictatorship.
* We know there are about 50% of soldiers want to run away from the army.

************************************************************

DP:LETTER- WORLD MUST PROTEST ATROCITIES IN MYANMAR
July 7, 1996 (Denver Post)

Earlier this year I visited refugee camps inside Myanmar* along its 
borders with China and Thailand, but beyond the reach of the junta's writ 
and the range of its army.  Conditions I saw there pained me immensely.  
Victims of rape, torture, murder, arson and enslavement all told the same 
tale of unbearable conditions that visited them in their villages.

Two deserters from the Burmese army who looked like 12-year-olds but 
who were actually 16 said they were regularly beaten by drunken officers, 
ordered to burn homes and granaries and rape village women they 
encountered on patrols.

In the south where Unocal, Texaco and Total Petroleum of France are 
jointly building a natural gas pipeline, ethnic Karens, Mons and Tavoyans 
have been forced out of their ancestral homelands, which stand in the path 
of the pipeline.  

Many villagers have died working under inhumane conditions clearing the 
jungles, and building roads and rail for the project.  How can American 
and other corporations be party to such unconscionable acts of violence 
all in the pursuit of profits?

Inge Sargent's traumatized life is a metaphor for my tortured homeland.  
But I have faith that the people of Myanmar will prevail in their 
nonviolent quest to tryst with destiny and realize the dream of democracy. 
The military has run out of options.  It has only its weapons to rely on 
to continue the repression of the people.

"There have always been murderers and tyrants," said Mahatma Gandhi.  
"In the end they all fall."

U Kyaw Win
Boulder

(*The editors changed Burma to Myanmar.  This letter was written in 
response to the front page piece,"Princess with a Cause," which was 
published in The Denver Post, on Sunday, 30 June 1996).

***********************************************************

KYEMON: "IF YOU'RE BRAZEN ENOUGH"
July 1,1996 (in Burmese)
Article by Di Hlaing

[Translated Text] Western political experts have noted that Political 
Defiance [PD] is a method of bringing down dictatorial regimes; but the 
Soviet-led Eastern Bloc said that actually PD methods caused their 
disintegration.  Although Myanmar [Burma] practiced socialism, it was not 
a member of any socialist bloc and did not rely on anyone.  If powerful 
Warsaw Pact countries can disintegrate, then what of a self-reliant 
socialist state like Myanmar?
The West, using democracy development as an excuse, managed to crumble 
the East Bloc during the Cold War.  They let the countries crumble, for 
the important thing was for their allies to gain power.  Gene Sharpe 
[political expert] noted the August 1991 Russian coup led by hard-liners 
was unsuccessful because non-violent methods were the dominate methods.  
The world knew that tanks fired at the parliament building.  Right or 
wrong, is firing from tanks a nonviolent means?
PD activity, no matter how you define it -- political defiance, 
non-violent method, confrontation, power defiant policy, public struggle 
-- is to oppose, intimidate, and bring down the government without armed 
struggle.  Once the government is toppled you will gain power, you can do 
what you want to do, and you can crush the opposition, that's all.
The nation survived the socialist era with no substantial support from 
the West or the East Bloc, but after a time, it weakened.  They were also 
facing a lot of enemies -- armed and unarmed opposition, leftists and 
rightists, overt and covert local and external destructionists.  The 1988 
disturbances became a venue for the UGs [Underground Communists] and the 
PDs (political defiant persons] to try to gain power by using democracy 
as an excuse, when the socialist government was unable to control the 
country.
 If the socialist government was, shall we say, toppled by the PD method 
with the blind participation of the people, then who would be the 
government?  Who would take over power?  Who would govern Myanmar, 
which is on the verge of destruction and disintegration?  Who has the 
qualifications to govern the country?  Should we hand over power to PD 
murderers who commented on the beheadings?  Should we ask the Gay 
Association to form a government?  Or should we call on the Elementary 
Teachers Association?

Were the Four Greats -- U Nu, U Aung Gyi, U Tin Oo, and Daw Aung 
San Suu Kyi -- united at that time?  Were they able to form a government?  
The war of the Four Greats would have started there and then if only they 
had guns.

As anarchy and violence became rampant, the Defense Services had to take 
control of the country.  To whom could they hand over power?  There were 
lots of power mongers.  Gene Sharpe's method was not to accept a military 
coup and to continue the struggle so what did they do next?
They demanded elections, so elections were held.  They said the elections 
were free and fair, only because they won.  If they had lost they would 
say the military government rigged the elections.  After the elections 
there arose the problem of handing over power.  Some say that this was 
the main problem.  Yes, indeed it was.

Have you thought about what would have happened had-power been handed 
over to the National League for Democracy [NLD] after the elections?  
People from the democratic forces know that, apart from the military, how 
can a civilian government govern the country without a constitution?
Some have remarked that you become a parliamentarian one day, convene the 
parliament that same day, and the issue the Constitution [preceding word 
published in English] the next.  There is nothing more to it, so adopt 
[preceding word published in English] the Constitution [preceding word 
published in English] after legally approving [preceding word published 
in English] it, so you will be a legal government the day after tomorrow. 
 This is a very selfish idea to gain one's interest.
The NLD already has a draft constitution and they will try to approve, 
ratify, and utilize it.  They have also discussed plans to relocate the 
War Office to Indaing [about 30 miles from Rangoon] to prevent further 
coups, to oust military officers above the rank of lieutenant colonel 
from the Defense Services, to decrease the strength of the military by 25 
percent, and to become allies with the West.
The following would happen if power were handed over to the NLD:
1.	They would ratify an unknown constitution.
2.	They would control, destroy, and reform the Defense Services
 according to Gene Sharpe's methods.
3.	According to Gene Sharpe's democratic state philosophy, the military 
does not to be strong; but the people must be able to defend the country 
so pocket armies would then emerge.
4.	At that time, the end of May 1990, there were only a few armed 
insurgent groups that had made peace with the SLORC [State Law and Order 
Restoration Council].  The Defense Services were still negotiating peace 
with other groups and these peace initiatives could be jeopardized.
5.	Relations with the People's Republic of China would deteriorate 
due to the policy of heavy reliance on the West.

Furthermore, during the campaign, the NLD leaders made pledges to other 
parties and political forces, shared parliamentary seats, and let 
candidates run under the banner of the Khamauk [traditional hat and NLD 
party symbol].  Most elected representatives have also violated regulations.

The most important factor was not having a constitution.  The 
daughter-in-law (derogative reference to Aung San Suu Kyi] knew that.  
That was why the daughter-in-law made the following speech at the meeting 
between the NLD and the United Nationalities League for Democracy held at 
No. 393, first floor, Bo Aung Gyaw Road, on 15 July 1989; "The elections 
will be held after 10 months, but the matter of power transfer is not 
clear.  What I understood was that the SLORC spokesmen told foreign 
journalists that they need to ratify a constitution before handing over 
power."

The daughter-in-law knows too much.  Daw Aung San Suu Kyi herself has 
accepted that it is not possible to hand over power without a 
constitution.  Why is she adamantly seeking the transfer of power?  It is 
clear, she is afraid she might not get it once the constitution is 
ratified.  Moreover, the stealthily written constitution is useless.
So the acts of the daughter-in-law's group is clear.  They are blindly 
following orders from the West, which come through her husband.  The 
people are not accepting that, they are vehemently rejecting and angrily 
opposing it.  The daughter-in-law might notice the mass rallies and then 
sense whether or not the public would accept it.  May I remind you that 
if you insist on brazenly staying, you will have to face the peoples' 
consequences.

**********************************************************















/* Written  2:34 AM  Jul 15, 1996 by strider in igc:reg.burma */
/* ---------- "BurmaNet News: July 15, 1996" ---------- */


-------------------------- BurmaNet -------------------------------
"Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies"
----------------------------------------------------------------------------


The BurmaNet News: July 15, 1996 
Issue #466

Noted in Passing: 
                            Companies should be well aware of the risks they run 
		if they invest in a country whose citizens have no rights.
		said Danish Foreign Minister.(see: NATION: CARLSBERG 
		HALTS BEER EXPORTS TO BURMA)
HEADLINES:
=========
DASSK: LETTER FROM BURMA #34
REUTER: MARTYRS' DAY MORE THAN A COMMEMORATION 
PRESS CONFERENCE: BY ANTHONY LAKE IN BANGKOK
STATE DEPT.DISCUSSION: CHRISTOPHER ON BURMA
PRESS RELEASE: RANGOON-DAW SUU SENDS MESSAGE TO EU
REUTERS: SUU KYI COULD NOT GO TO DENMARK 
BKK POST: THE END DRAWS NEAR FOR BURMESE JUNTA 
PRESS RELEASE: BURMESE MP IN SERIOUS HEALTH CONDITION
THE NATION: BURMA UNRUFFLED BY TOURISM BAN
THE NATION: HEINEKEN WITHDRAWS FROM BURMA
NATION: CARLSBERG HALTS BEER EXPORTS TO BURMA
NATION: PEPSICO FACING NEW PRESSURE
DP: WORLD'S CONSCIENCE TURNS TO MYANMAR 
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

DASSK: LETTER FROM BURMA #34
July 14, 1996 ( Mainichi Daily News) 

JULY IS A MONTH OF MOMENTOUS ANNIVERSARIES

It is not a month that seems to inspire poetic outpourings.  Perhaps it is
the in-between ordinariness of July, caught between summer pretty June 
and summer glorious August, that fails to stimulate the imagination.  
I cannot recollect a single poem dedicated to July except for an excruciating 
one I wrote, as a classroom exercise in my school in Delhi, that began 
"In July,month of rain and dust ..."  It is the time of year in North India 
when the monsoons have just begun and the dust storms of the hot, dry 
season have not yet cleared away.
	
But dull, in-between July is a month of momentous anniversaries.  
There is Bastille Day and American Independence Day and the July 
Conspiracy against Hitler.  In Burma, too, the month is notable for a 
number of significant events in the modern history of our country.  
In 1947, on July 19, six months before Burma was officially declared 
a sovereign independent nation, my father and several of his colleagues 
were assassinated while a meeting of the Governor's Executive Council 
was in session.  Four gunmen dressed in jungle-green fatigues and armed 
with automatic weapons pushed their way into the council chamber and 
opened fire, wiping out seven councillors who were the foremost leaders 
of the country, a senior member of the civil service,and a young 
ide-de-camp.   It took just a few minutes to perpetrate the deed that has 
had an immeasurable effect on the evolution of Burma as an independent 
nation.
	
The assassinations had been arranged by a veteran politician, U Saw, 
who chose the way of violence, rather than the way of the ballot box, 
as the primary means for achieving political power.  He had boycotted 
the elections of April 1947 in which my father's party, the Anti-Fascist 
People's Freedom League (AFPFL), had won an overwhelming victory.  
But although he had neither contested for nor gained the mandate of the 
people, U Saw thought that once he had removed those he saw as his 
arch rivals, he would be called upon to form a new government.  In the 
event it was U Nu, the most senior member of the AFPFL left alive, 
who succeeded my father.
	
Fourteen years after Burma became independent, another event of high
historical significance took place in July.  On March 2, 1962, the
democratically elected government was removed by a military coup and 
state power passed into the hands of the Revolutionary Council headed 
by General Ne Win.  The students of Rangoon University, with a strong 
tradition of political activism dating back to the days of the independence 
movement, did not respond favorably to the establishment of military rule.  
As unrest increased in the campus, new university regulations were 
introduced and in the first week of July, students began peaceful 
demonstrations to protest against these new regulations.  Events took a 
nasty turn on the 7th of July when soldiers were ordered to open fire on 
the students.  The exact number and nature of casualties on that fatal day 
still remain in dispute; it was officially declared that only 16 students 
had been killed, but there are claims that the number of dead was well 
over 100.  The tragedy of Rangoon University culminated at dawn the 
next morning: the Students' Unionbuilding, which had been the proving 
ground for young nationalist politicians who later led the country to 
independence, was dynamited by order of the authorities and reduced 
to rubble.  Some say the building was full of students, all of whom 
were killed in the blast.
	
Twenty-six years after the destruction of the historic Union building, 
the actions of the students of Rangoon University once again led to 
an event of national importance.  As a result of student unrest, the 
Burma Socialist Programme Party (BSPP), which had dominated the 
country for a quarter of a century, held an emergency congress on 
July 23, 1988.  It was the first peal in the death knell of one-party 
dictatorship.  At this congress, the top leaders of the BSPP resigned 
and the outgoing Chairman U Ne Win announced it was time to 
decide whether or not the system should be changed to one that
recognized the validity of more than one political party.  The 
refusal of the BSPP to put an end to its authoritarian rule triggered 
off the nationwide public demonstrations which were the beginning 
of the movementfor democracy.
	
July is an eventful month for me personally as well.  It was on the 20th 
of July, 1989, that I was placed under house arrest.  We received the first
intimation of what was about to happen when a neighbor came early in the
morning to tell us that our road was full of troops.  Soon after, U Tin U's
son drove over to let us know that their house too was surrounded and that
his father had been prevented from going out for his usual morning walk.
That was the beginning of six years of detention.
	
And it was on July 10 last year that I was released.  When U Aung Shwe, 
U Kyi Maung, U Tin U and I met that evening we simple decided to pick 
up where we had left off six years ago, to continue our work.  It remains 
in my memory as a quiet day, not a momentous one.

***********************************************************

REUTER: MARTYRS' DAY MORE THAN A COMMEMORATION 
July 14, 1996

         RANGOON, - Burma marks Martyr's Day this week and it is being 
seen as a key test in shaky relations between the country's military rulers 
and the opposition, led by Nobel Peace Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi.
         Many were waiting to see if Suu Kyi would hold an
alternative ceremony to mark the national mourning day to mark
the July 19, 1947 assassination of her father, independence hero
General Aung San, and eight others who were killed as they
planned for the handover of an independent Burma from Britain.
         Suu Kyi, who participated in the military government's
official ceremony last year only days after being released from
six years of house arrest, has not said if she will attend this
year's function or stage a separate one.
         On Saturday she said formal ceremonies were not necessary to
honour the country's national heroes.
         ``In my opinion, we honour our dead leaders, not by holding
formal ceremonies, but by doing what they would have wished us
to do,'' Suu Kyi told a gathering at her front gates which has
become a weekly weekend feature.
         Government officials would not say if Suu Kyi had been
invited to participate in this year's ceremony. Traditionally,
the children or relatives of all the assassinated ``martyrs''
are invited to lay a wreath at the Martyrs' Mausoleum.
         Last year Suu Kyi made a subdued appearance at the ceremony
and quietly placed baskets of flowers at the mausoleum that
commemorates her father and six of his ministers, a secretary
and bodyguard who were slain as they held a cabinet meeting.
         In the year since then Suu Kyi and her National League for
Democracy (NLD) party have been in a war of words with the
ruling State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC).
         Last week, Suu Kyi defiantly vowed to go ahead with the
party's plan to draft a new constitution despite a sweeping new
law introduced by the SLORC last month forbidding such a move.
         Suu Kyi told Reuters in an interview last week the NLD had
instructed her and other party leaders to draft an alternative
charter to the one being drawn up by a military-appointed
convention.
         ``The party congress gave us the responsibility of drawing
up a draft constitution and we will go ahead with that,'' she
said.
         The government-appointed convention has been meeting since
January 1993 to draft guidelines of a pro-military charter. Suu
Kyi angered the SLORC in November when she pulled the NLD out of
the talks, saying they did not represent the will of the people.
         Over the past few months the SLORC has cracked down on the
NLD with arrests and regular criticism of the party and Suu Kyi
in the official media and at government-sponsored mass rallies.
         Its new law, passed just after the NLD's May party congress,
also prohibits anyone from doing anything seen likely to disrupt
national unity or the constitutional process.
         Diplomats and observers said they were watching to see if
Suu Kyi would hold any sort of alternative Martyrs' Day ceremony
this year, which could be seen as a direct affront to the SLORC.
         ``We are just waiting to see what she does. That's all we
can do here is wait,'' said one Rangoon resident.
         The events of Martyrs' Day six years ago appeared to be the
impetus behind Suu Kyi's arrest on July 20, 1989.
         Instead of laying a wreath that day, Suu Kyi, who had
criticised the military and said she doubted they would ever
keep their promise of transferring power to a civilian
government, and the NLD had planned a march to pay tribute to
the martyrs.
         After authorities quickly filled the streets with troops,
Suu Kyi called off the march because she feared bloodshed. The
next day she was placed under house arrest.

*******************************************************

PRESS CONFERENCE: BY ANTHONY LAKE IN BANGKOK
July 11, 1996 (excerpts)

(U.S. will remain deeply engaged in Pacific region)  

Bangkok -- The United States is and will remain deeply engaged in the
East Asia and Pacific region, according to National Security Advisor
Anthony Lake.

ANTHONY LAKE
 
A purpose of the trip is to underline the point that the United States
is and will be a deeply engaged power in the Pacific. This is very
true on the security side, where we are maintaining and will maintain
a force of 100,000 troops, which is for the first time since the end
of the Vietnam War approximately the same number of troops as we have
in Europe. In fact, it symbolizes the balance that we see in our
relationship with Asia.

Q (Television Corporation of Singapore News): Will the issue of Burma
and Cambodia be raised at the ASEAN Regional Forum in light of
domestic political developments taking place in both countries?

LAKE: Certainly these are both very important issues to us, as we know
they are to the government of Thailand. As I said, I look forward to
discussing both issues with the Prime Minister this afternoon and
gaining his views on how we can best proceed, both governments,
towards what are in each case a common goal.

In Burma, we were very pleased with the statement that the Thai
Foreign Minister -- I think about ten days ago or so -- wants Thai
diplomacy, as with our own, to try to encourage a dialogue between the
SLORC and Aung San Suu Kyi. I will be discussing with the Prime
Minister the best ways that we can work towards that goal as well.

It is very hard to have in a region such as this, which has such
wonderful growth, countries and areas that are potentially a drag on
others through their own internal difficulties. We want to work on
both problems for the sake of the whole region.

Q (TCS News, follow on): You just mentioned that you will be
discussing this with the Thai Prime Minister. What about the
possibility of raising this issue at the ASEAN Regional Forum? Any
intentions to do that so that there could be a dialogue on this among
not only ASEAN participants, but other dialogue partners as well?

LAKE: I don't think this is a formal agenda item, but I have no doubt
that there will be overtures when the time comes.

Q (VOA): I was wondering, sir, if the United States is in a process of
constructive engagement with China, why is it not doing that with
Burma? How does this affect the question of sanctions? Will Secretary
Christopher be meeting with the Burmese Foreign Minister on the
margins of the ASEAN Regional Forum?

LAKE: I don't think that is scheduled. We will have to see. Perhaps he might
have answered the question, which I would be more than happy about.

In both cases, China and Burma, the question of economic consequences
does arise, as we have seen in China in our negotiations -- happily
successfully concluded -- over IPR and over non-proliferation issues.
There is also a difference here in that in Burma, we do have a
democratically-elected leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, who has not been
allowed to fulfill the role that we believe she deserves within that
society. We will have to see what happens with regard to possible
sanctions in Burma. We think it is a useful tool to have in our
pocket, the point we are making, as we discuss the issue with
those most concerned in the Congress. We will just have to see.

Again, I look forward to a discussion with Thai government officials
on how we can most usefully work together on the issue.


Q (Australia Broadcasting Corporation): Sir, I just wondered if you
could expand a little? Could you elaborate a little more the
Administration's current thinking of the impact or possible effect of
economic sanctions on the administration in Burma? Because we have
received different signals about that. How do you see the best way to
proceed to effect some sort of change there?

LAKE: As I said, our view is that the sanctions might be a useful
tool. Obviously, there is a question of whether that tool would ever
be used in that context in Burma. We already do place some
restrictions on our relations with Burma, for example with regard to
arms supplies. We do believe that it is very important to the future
of the people in Burma as well as the future of the region that there
be a resolution of the crisis there.

********************************************************

STATE DEPT.DISCUSSION: CHRISTOPHER ON BURMA
July 12, 1996

Washington -- Secretary of State Warren Christopher welcomed Danish
Foreign Minister Niels Helveg Petersen at the State Department July 11.

QUESTION:~ Mr. Secretary, you both referred to that situation in
Burma, is it the administration's position that the sanctions should
be applied (inaudible)?

~CHRISTOPHER: I'd like to have the minister comment on that as well.
At the present time, I look forward to consulting with the countries
in the neighborhood of Burma when I am in Jakarta about ten days from
now. Their strong position has been important to the maintenance of
dialogue, and I understand that's the position that's being taken
among those who are seeking freedom in Burma as well. Nevertheless,
I'm sure there will be some consideration of sanctions given. I'd like
to ask the minister to comment on that subject himself.

~PETERSEN: I see a variety, a whole range of possibilities in order to
~express~ dissatisfaction~~ with the present regime. One, of course,
is economic sanctions. I think that is an idea which should be on the
table, but I don't see that idea being carried out right now. But I do
see a number of possibilities to focus on de~~velopments in human
rights in Burma.

I think we should activate, for example, United Nations possibilities
of making use of the offices of the High Commissioner for Human
Rights, of sending the United Nations ~representatives from the
Commission on the tension down there and study the human rights
situation. There is a whole range of possibilities that I would like
to discuss with Mr. Christopher and which we will be ~discussing in
the European Union on Monday.

********************************************************

PRESS RELEASE: RANGOON-DAW SUU SENDS MESSAGE TO EU
July 12, 1996
by Mrs. Glenys Kinnock Member of European Parliament

Glenys Kinnock MEP has, through an intermediary who travelled to 
Rangoon, made contact with Aung San Suu Kyi, the leader of the 
National League for Democracy in Burma.

Members of the European Parliament have watched recent events in 
Burma with growing concern and Glenys Kinnock invited Aung San 
Suu Kyi to address the Parliament through a filmed interview. A letter 
from Glenys Kinnock was taken secretly to Burma and a filmed interview 
has taken place. The video will be shown at the Development Committee 
of the European Parliament on July 24th.

Speaking from Brussels, Glenys Kinnock MEP said:

"Today we have heard the wonderful news that Heineken has pulled 
out of Burma, as a result of pressure from citizens of Europe and the 
United States. This is a considerable achievement, following as it does a 
similar decision which has been made by Pepsi-Cola and Carlsberg."

"Today too we have heard that the video has been successfully smuggled 
out of Burma. Next week in Strasbourg a strong condemnation of the 
Government in Rangoon will be made by Parliamentarians, and we will call 
for action from the Commission and the Council. Action which reflects 
the views of the leader of the democratic opposition in Burma - Aung San 
Suu Kyi - who calls for economic sanctions, and an end to foreign 
investment and tourist visits to Burma."

*********************************************************

REUTERS: SUU KYI COULD NOT GO TO DENMARK 
July 12, 1996
By Steve Weizman

COPENHAGEN, - Danish Prime Minister Poul Nyrup Rasmussen's 
Social Democrats said on Friday that Burmese democracy campaigner 
Aung San Suu Kyi declined an invitation to speak at their party 
congress, saying she was unable to travel.

     A party spokesman quoted a letter from Suu Kyi to Rasmussen saying
that the Nobel peace laureate could not go abroad, "due to the present
circumstances." He said that her letter did not give further details.

     "It is with sorrow, but no great surprise, that I have received Aung
San Suu Kyi's regrets. This only underlines how intolerable conditions are
in Burma," Rasmussen said in a statement.

     Copenhagen and Oslo have led protests since Nichols' death in a
Rangoon jail last month.

     Denmark is campaigning for international sanctions against Burma. EU
president Ireland on Monday took up Denmark's call for "a full and
satisfactory explanation" of Nichols's death and an investigation by the
United Nations.
    
 Denmark has placed the matter on the agenda of the EU foreign
minister's meeting in Brussels on July 15.
     
On Thursday Norway said Nichols' jailers tortured him and it held the
military government responsible for his death.
     
Both Denmark and Norway have called Rangoon's London ambassador, who
covers Scandinavia, to their capitals. He was expected at the Norwegian
foreign ministry on Monday,  Deputy Foreign Minister Jan Egeland told
Reuters.
     
"We will tell the ambassador that the human rights situation in Burma
must be drastically improved. We will ask for an official explanation into
Mr Nichols death and we will renew our request for an independent autopsy,
which so far has been denied," Egeland said.
     A Copenhagen pressure group - The Danish Burma Committee - on Friday
said it planned an extensive consumer boycott campaign against major Danish
companies operating in Burma.
     "We plan to mount a major media campaign starting mid-August, bringing
the public's attention to Danish companies operating in Burma and urging
consumers to boycott their products," committee chairman Anton Johannsen
told Reuters.
     Johannsen said the campaign, mainly in Danish newspapers, would
initially be aimed at shipping and wholesale group East Asiatic Company,
toymaker Lego and timber importer DLH.

*********************************************************

BKK POST: THE END DRAWS NEAR FOR BURMESE JUNTA 
July 12, 1996 (abridged)
by Myint Thein

THE US recently sent two special presidential envoys to Japan and 
four Asean countries to consult and inform them of the new US 
policy on Burma. After their visit to Singapore, senior statesman 
Lee Kuan Yew made the statement that if "the US government wants 
to bring down the Burmese military government, they must be 
prepared to help manage the country".

The appointment of special presidential envoys was a first 
important step in resolving the conflicts in Haiti and Bosnia. 
Not all their subsequent steps were in the right direction - a 
trait of the Clinton administration, but in the end they 
accomplished their mission. The same will happen in Burma.

The Washington Post, which is very well connected to 
administration sources, stated in an editorial on June 24 that: 
"If the Clinton administration wants time to enlist or inform 
other nations, Congress should listen: US action should not be 
needlessly unilateral. But there can be no doubt that stronger US 
action is called for in Burma.

The Clinton administration will take the lead in bringing down 
the Burmese military government if it refuses to participate in 
tripartite meetings with the National League for Democracy (NLD) 
and the ethnic leaders. Asean collectively has given 
unconditional political support to the Slorc generals in exchange 
for economic benefits. But one by one, Asean countries will 
slowly follow the lead of America if the Clinton administration 
takes strong, decisive and effective action against the Burmese 
military government.

There is now growing support for sanctions and even military 
action against the Burmese military government.

The heads of the FBI and Drug Enforcement Agency have recommended 
the use of multinational military forces against countries that provide 
refuge to drug warlords.

There is significant grassroots backing and growing support in 
Congress for Economic and diplomatic sanctions against Slorc. The 
McConnell-Moynihan Bill, which will be hotly contested by Unocal, 
will ban American investments in Burma. We expect a dogfight with 
Unocal, but at the end of the day we will have more votes than Unocal.

**********************************************************

PRESS RELEASE: BURMESE MP IN SERIOUS HEALTH CONDITION
July 12, 1996

U Hla Than, elected MP of the Coco Island, Rangoon Division was
taken into Rangoon General Hospital on July 9, 1996 for unknown
health reason, according to the reliable souce from inside Burma. He
was an elected NLD MP in 1990 general election and was a chairman 
of Kyimyindain Township, Rangoon Division. He was arrested in October 
1990 and put in infamous Insein jail. He was among the 21 political 
prisoners who were sentenced additional long terms of imprisonment in 
last March for passing information to the UN Human Rights Special 
Rapporteur.

	Prisons and jails in Burma are notorious for ill-treatment
including torture, prolonged shackling, lack of proper medical care and
insufficient food to the prisoners especially to the political prisoners.
Political prisoners face beating, sometimes to the point of
unconsciousness; being forced to crawl over sharp stones; sleep
deprivation;  being held in the hot sun; being held in the solitary
confinement cells or in the military dog cells for prolonged periods.

	Many political prisoners were reportedly died of ill treatment and
torture during their time in the prisoner.  Recently, Myint Swe, suspect
of former ABSDF member died on June 13, 1996 in Theyet prison in the
middle of Burma.  As he was a Muslim, his body was allowed to be 
cremated on the same day of his death. His family later found out that 
his skull bone and jaw were broken. It was believed that he was seriously 
tortured before he died. However, no explanation was given by the prison 
authorities.

	Similarly, on June 22, James Leander Nichols, an unaccredited
representative for Denmark, Finland, Norway and Switzerland died in
prison. London-based Amnesty International said Nichols reportedly had
been deprived of sleep for several days before dying. 

************************************************************

THE NATION: BURMA UNRUFFLED BY TOURISM BAN
July 12, 1996

RANGOON - Burma said it was confident its tourism promotion year, 
set to begin in November, would not be affected by a standoff 
with Aung San Suu Kyi and calls for a tourist boycott.

"They don;t affect out plans at all. The call for a boycott is 
known only to a small group of people. We hear there are people 
queuing up to come here," Minister of Tourism Kyaw Ba said.

The detention of more than 250 members of Suu Kyi's NLD who were 
planning to attend a party congress at her Rangoon home in May 
was merely aimed at determining the democracy activists motives, 
Kyaw Ban said. Most had since been freed, he added.

The EU and the US denounced the arrests and subsequently said 
economic sanctions might be imposed on Burma if it continued to 
ignore human rights. Some rights groups and exiled Burmese 
dissident groups have called for a tourist boycott of the 
country, as well as for trade and investment boycotts.

Facing the threat of a consumer boycott, Danish brewer Carlsberg 
said on Tuesday it was drooping plans to invest in Burma. Pepsi-
Cola of the US withdrew its stake  from a Burmese venture earlier 
this year.

Kyaw Ba said Burma expected about 300,000 visitors during its 
"Visit Myanmar Year" - a forecast that is down substantially from 
an original target of 500,000 tourists.

Some 150,000 visitors arrived in the country last year, according 
to official statistics.

Domestic airlines were being strengthened and a new local airline 
in partnership with Thai investors, Yangon Airlines, was being 
finalised. Burma has one international and two  domestic 
airlines.

About US$1 billion (Bt 25 billion) has been invested by 
foreigners in 34 hotel and tourism projects to cater to the 
tourist influx. Kyaw Ba said the country was putting touches to 
several new hotels to accommodate more visitors. (TN)

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THE NATION: HEINEKEN WITHDRAWS FROM BURMA
July 12, 1996
JENNIFER SCOTT

After months shrugging off protests by human rights activists and 
global threats to boycott the world's most widely available beer 
because of its pressure in military-ruled Burma, Heineken said 
potential damage to its reputation had forced it to capitulate.

"Public opinion and issues surrounding this market have changed 
to a degree that could have an adverse effect on our brand and 
corporate reputation," Heineken chairman Karel Vuursteen said in 
a statement.

"Heineken has a heritage of good corporate citizenship in many 
markets around the globe," he said.

"On the basis of these changed circumstances we have re-assessed 
the situation and have concluded we are no longer in a position 
to realise this ambition."

Heineken's decision coincided with the anniversary of Burmese 
opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi's release last year from six 
years in detention.

In an interview, Suu Kyi repeated her call for economic sanctions 
against Burma, saying that the benefits of foreign investment 
went only to a privileged few in the country.

Heineken had planned to build a brewery in Rangoon through a 
venture between its Asia Pacific Breweries (APB) unit, which was 
to have a 60 per cent stake, and Myanmar Economic Holding Ltd, a 
public company which the Dutch brewer acknowledged was 
essentially controlled by the military.

He added that the brewer was also ending all exports to Burma. 
"Not only have we withdrawn, we will not have any interference in 
Burma at all. Out means out."

Heineken has expressed concern about human rights violations in 
Burma but defended its investment, saying it felt an obligation 
to its workers and the environment in the region.

Pressure groups welcomed the Dutch brewer's withdrawal, saying it 
should encourage other companies investing in Burma to reevaluate 
their plans.

"The worst damage for the (Burmese) regime is that they have set 
an example to the government that companies can come under 
pressure from the consumer and that it's not a good idea to 
invest in Burma," said Tom Kramer, spokesman at the Dutch-based 
Burma Centrum lobby group. (TN)

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NATION: CARLSBERG HALTS BEER EXPORTS TO BURMA
July 14, 1996

COPENHAGEN - Denmark's Carlsberg Brewery has halted all its beer
exports o Burma, as a Danish pressure group unveiled plans to
stage a consumer boycott campaign against Danish companies
operating in the country.

"Minimal quantities of Carlsberg beer produced in Carlsberg
breweries in the region have been sold in recent years in Burma,
this export has now been terminated," Carlsberg said.

"Carlsberg exports to Burma will only be resumed if beer products
from its international competitors  are found to be on sale
there. We cannot countenance any long-term weakening of our
market position in Burma," it said in a statement.

Following boycott threats by the Danish Burma Committee, which is
outraged by the Burmese military government's crackdown on
democracy campaigners, Carlsberg on Tuesday dropped plans for a
Burmese joint venture.

The Carlsberg move was followed on Wednesday by rival Dutch
brewery Heineken which announced it was ending all business
activity in Burma.

Earlier on Friday the Danish Burma Committee announced plans to
mount a major media campaign starting mid August, bringing the
public's attention to Danish companies operating in Burma and
urging consumers to boycott their products.

Committee chairman Anton Joharnsen told Reuters that the
campaign, mainly in Danish newspapers, would initially be aimed
at three Danish firms trading in Burma - shipping and wholesale
group East Asiatic, toymaker Lego and timber importer
DLH.

Although the Danish committee dropped boycott threats against
Carlsberg after the brewer cancelled its Burma investment plans,
it warned that the brewery could again become a target unless it
ended all beer sales to Burma.

Denmark is demanding European Union sanctions against Burma's
military rulers in the wake of the death last month in a Rangoon
jail of James Leander Nichols, honorary consul for Denmark,
Finland, Norway and Switzerland.

EU president Ireland earlier last week took up Denmark's call for
"a full and satisfactory explanation" of Nichols's death and an
investigation by the United Nations.

Denmark has placed the matter on the agenda of the EU foreign
minister's meeting in Brussels on July 15.

Speaking to reporters in parliament Danish Foreign Minister Niels
Helveg Petersen warned firms against investing in Burma.

"Companies should be well aware of the risks they run if they
invest in a country whose citizens have no rights. Such countries
are not places in which to invest," he said.

Denmark exported goods worth Dkr 16.9 million (Bt 71 million) to
Burma last year, while it imported Dkr28.3 million worth of teak
wood.

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NATION: PEPSICO FACING NEW PRESSURE
July 14, 1996 (abridged)

GENEVA - A major international labour union grouping said it
would focus fire on the US beverage firm Pepsico to force it out
of the Burma market now that two big European companies had
withdrawn.

The International Union of Food, Agricultural and Allied Workers
Associations (IUF) issued its statement on Friday as Denmark's
Carlsberg Brewery announced in Copenhagen it was halting all beer
exports to the military-ruled country.

"This is a remarkable victory for the IUF and the international
campaign for businesses to pull out of Burma. We will now be
focusing our attention on Pepsico," said the labour body's
spokesman Peter Rossman. "The IUF will actively pursue all the
means at its disposal to ensure that Pepsico follows the brewers'
example and quits Burma for as long as the generals remain in
power," a statement from the Geneva-based body said.

The IUF links 322 trade unions in a wide range of service and
light industries with a combined membership of 2.6 million in 107
countries. Affiliate organisations waged the fight against
Carlsberg and Heineken's links with Burma.

Rossman said the rival Danish and Dutch firms had justified
trading links with Burma -where opposition leaders Aung San Suu
Kyi has called for an economic boycott of the country by arguing
that if one did not trade the other would.

"They also said that if they didn't, Pepsico would. Now Pepsico
is alone," he added.

In April this year the US company, which produces one of the
world's most popular non alcoholic drinks, said it would divest
itself of direct ownership in its Burmese bottling operation a
move the IUF said came in response to a global pressure campaign.

But Pepsico continued to supply concentrate and license the brand
name, thereby continuing "to directly profit from the agony of
the Burmese people," the IUF statement declared.

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DP: WORLD'S CONSCIENCE TURNS TO MYANMAR 
July 7, 1996 (The Denver Post)
John Scherb <mcs@xxxxxxxxxxxx>
by Ved Nanda

The military regime in Myanmar remains defiant in the face of worldwide
disapproval of its violations of basic human rights.  It refuses to enter into
dialogue with pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi, the Nobel Peace
Prize laureate, whose national League for Democracy won a landslide
victory in the 1990 general elections.  The military government, the State
Law and Order Restoration Council, declared the result invalid, placed Suu
Kyi under house arrest for "endangering the state" and imprisoned or
exiled opposition leaders.  Its ruthless rule and oppression of dissenters
continues.  Suu Kyi was released in July of 1995.

The latest crackdown occurred in May when the junta arrested 262 NLD
activists who were planning to hold a convention to commemorate the sixth
anniversary of the party's victory in the 1990 general elections and to
draft a new constitution for Myanmar.  More than 100 of those arrested
remain in detention apparently without trial or charges.  Suu Kyi
continues to hold public meetings in the compound outside her home, where
the usual crowd of about 5,000 people listen to her talk about her efforts
to move Myanmar toward democracy.

Disapproval abroad of Myanmar's human rights record isn't reflected in
tangible international action aimed at bringing about change.  Among
Myanmar's neighbors, the Association of South East Asian Nations has opted
for "constructive engagement."  China, Japan and Thailand have encouraged
investment in Myanmar, especially in its rich natural resources sector.
India has publicly kept mum, mainly because of the apprehension felt by a
large number of people of Indian origin in Myanmar, that they would
suffer retaliatory action were India to take a critical stand against the
country.  Also, in Asia, a hands-off policy in internal affairs suits all,
especially many with skeletons in their own closets.

Recently, however, Myanmar has felt some international pressure
following the death in a Rangoon jail last month of the honorary consul of
Norway and Denmark, James Leander Nichols, who also represented
Finland and Switzerland.  Nichols was sentenced in April to three years
imprisonment for operating a telephone and fax machine from his home
without government authorization.  Nichols was Suu Kyi's supporter and
friend.

Denmark has asked the European Union to impose economic sanctions
against the military regime and has demanded an independent autopsy on
Nichols, 64, who was suffering from high blood pressure and a heart
condition.  The U.N. has now appointed a new rapporteur on human rights
in Myanmar.  He is Ragsoomer Lallah, a former judge and minister of
justice in Mauritius who monitored human rights in Chile from 1983 to
1994.

In the United States the momentum is growing for sanctioning Myanmar.
Several American companies, including Levi Strauss, Reebok and Liz
Clairborne, have withdrawn from the country.  Pepsi is cutting back.  Ten
days ago, the Senate Appropriations Committee approved by a 27-0 vote a
bill that would bar any U.S. air service to or investment in that country.
The sanctions would remain in force until SLORC hands over the power to
an elected government.  A fortnight ago Massachusetts became the first U.S.
state to ban state contracts with companies having commercial ties to
Myanmar.  Earlier, half a dozen U.S. cities passed similar regulations.

The Clinton administration hasn't been keen to impose trade and investment
sanctions against Myanmar.  But now it appears to be willing to work with
Congress to design a legislative approach.  It recently sent two envoys to
the Southeast Asian countries to persuade them to take concerted action
aimed at pressuring the junta to step down.  Commerce Secretary Mickey
Kantor has said he believes economic sanctions could be effective, citing
"times when economic restrictions done in an appropriate fashion...can be
very helpful."  American oil companies operating in Myanmar, on the
other hand, are lobbying hard against sanctions.

Burmese exiles and dissidents have recently launched a grass-roots
campaign over the Internet in support of sanctions.  Burmese students at
U.S. universities have been creating awareness and seeking support for
democracy in Myanmar for quite sometime.  The human rights law clinic at
the University of Denver presented a petition against the military junta to
the U.N. Human Rights Commission in Geneva.

The world community must send a strong and clear message to the junta
that it has no choice but to restore democracy in the former Burma.  ASEAN
countries must move beyond the policy of "constructive engagement."
Japan, Europe and the U.S. must impose economic sanctions.
Comprehensive and universal sanctions all work in Myanmar as they did to
help dismantle apartheid system in South Africa.

(Ved P. Nanda is director of the international Legal Studies Program at the
University of Denver College of Law.)

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