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News on India papers om June 16th 1
Subject: News on India papers om June 16th 1996THE PRISONERS OF SILENCE
The Time of India (New Delhi)
16th June 1996.
Note.
The Myanmar governments crackdown on democracy activists has
failed to evoke strong reaction from India. Seema Guba analyses the
Indian government stand on this important issue
-----------------------------------------------
Indian has been strangely reticent on events in neighbouring
Myanmar. While the United States and Japan have taken the lead
in condemning the fresh crackdown by the military junta on pro-
democracy activists in the country, and Washington is
contemplating economic sanctions. New Delhi has maintained a
discreet neighbourhood.
Indias neutral stand on Myanmar and its refusal to criticise the
ruling State Law and Order Restoration (SLORC) stems from a
complete re-think of Indian foreign policy initiated by the
Narasimha Rao government in 1991. The new pragmatism, an
offshoot of the economic reforms initiated by the former Prime
Minister, helped to set the agenda for a change in Indias attitude
towards the military rulers in Yangon.
The new United Front government of H.D. Deve Gowda is likely to
continue Raos policy. "Our security concern, the fact that Myanmar
borders our sensitive north-eastern region and the need to counter
the prevailing Chinese influence calls for continuing a non-
confrontation line. There is unlikely to be any policy change on
Myanmar," an Indian official told The Sunday Times of India.
Prior to this, India has actively supported the movement for
democracy in Myanmar. The leader of the pro-democracy front,
Aung San Suu Kyi, had always been regarded as a special friend of
India. Her family ties with Indian leaders go back a long way. Suu
Kyi herself spent much of her youth in India and has many friends
and admirers in this country. It was, therefore, not surprising to find
the Indian government lending all support to the democratic forces
in Myanmar. At the same time, as one of the largest democracies in
the world, it was natural for New Delhi to lend support and
sustenance to a struggle against the military regime in its
neighbourhood.
Even before the United States and rest of the free world took up her
cause, India lend unstinted support to the pro-democracy activists.
Apart from granting asylum to a large number of students and
supporters, the state-run All India Radio, beamed its programmes
to Burma and kept the people informed of the happening in the
democratic camp. The military rulers objected time and again
against these broadcasts, calling them a blatant interference in
Myanmars domestic affairs. New Delhi shrugged aside these
objections and continued the broadcasts. Naturally relations between
the two countries remained frosty through the late 1980s.
When the late Congress came to power in July 1991, a review
Indias policy towards Myanmar took place. The growing influence
of China at Indias doorstep caused concern among policy planners
in the Capital. Even as New Delhis stocks fell in Yangon, Chinas
ratings with the military junta since the late 1980s was skyrocketing,
"This led us to take a hard look at our previous policy, and decide to
build bridge with the government in power," an Indian diplomats
explained.
Reports of Myanmars efforts to equip its armed forces with Chinese
arms was suspiciously close to the countrys turbulent north-east to
cause anxiety. "Border management," was an imperative for India.
A hostile Myanmar, which could encourage Indias separatists
rebels in the north-east was a danger New Delhi could not ignore.
Improved relations with Myanmar would ensure that insurgent
groups of the area could not use Burmese territory for their camps.
While the "no mans lands" between India, Myanmar and
Bangladesh was being used as a meeting place by the various groups
in both sides of the border, India wanted to make sure that the
separatists were thwarted in regions under control by Yangon.
Till the late 1970s the Chinese had actively encouraged the north-
eastern separatist groups. The danger of the Chinese resuming arms
supplies to the militants with the connivance of the authorities in
Myanmar was an inherent danger to Indias security.
A major worry for India was Chinas overwhelming presence in
Myanmar. Between 1988 to 1990, when Myanmar found itself
increasingly isolated internationally, China was only country which
was ready to be friends with Myanmars ruler. As countries
hesitated, China went into Myanmar in a big way and established a
major commercial presence in the country. At the same time, China
supplied arms worth $1.4 billion to Yangon. In 1994, Chinese Prime
Minister tarvelled to Yangon on a goodwill mission and gave a
clean chit to the military rulers. This was followed by a visit by the
Chinese defence minister when another defence deal was signed
between the two countries.
Policy planners in India have long worried about the reported move
by Chinese to use Myanmars naval bases to monitor the movement
of ships on the Indian Ocean. If the Chinese gained access of
Haingyi and Coco islands, New Delhi fears that Indian naval bases
in the Andamans and Vashakapatnam would become vulnerable.
There has been much speculation about this project in the
international and Indian, but so far there has been no confirmation
from either the SLORC or the Chinese government.
While the military regime in Myanmar had been so far content in
remaining in splendid isolation, in the early 1990s it slowly began
opening its doors to the outside world. Singapore and Japan were the
first countries to take advantage of the situation. In fact, under the
guidance of former Singapore strong man Lee Kuan Yew, the
ASEAN countries began the process of "positive engagement" with
Myanmar.
The thaw finally resulted in an invitation to Myanmar to join the
ASEAN Regional Forum next month. The green signal given by
ASEAN was followed by a number of countries and ASEAN leaders
patted themselves on the back for helping the SLORC to lift
restrictions on Aung San Suu Kyi and the pro-democracy activists.
This was before the latest arrests by the military regime. Since than
the ASEAN has been strangely quiet on the crackdown preferring to
maintain that it is an internal matter for Yangon. Japan on the other
hand openly rebuked a visiting Myanmar leader when the crack-
down began.
President Clinton has sent two of his emissaries to talk to ASEAN
governments to try and persuade Myanmars rulers to ease the
rigorous new regulations against pro-democracy activists, but is
unlikely to meet with much success among the Asian Tigers.
Suu Kyi herself has been critical of ASEANs role in maintaining
relations with Myanmars military rulers. She is certainly
disappointed by New Delhis attempts to build bridges with Yangon,
but South Block is not overtly worried.
*****************
ASIAN TREASURE
The Hindu (New Delhi), 16th June 1996.
by Gamma
A country at the outermost bounds of Asia, a civilisation thousand
years rich, dedicated to Buddha but held in the iron fist of the
military
of General Ne Win since 1962 -- the country, rename Myanmar in
1989, opened its borders to tourism two years ago. Since then,
manna of currency of currency has been feeding the Yangon
governments cashbox, while 45 million Burmese are held silence.
All of them remember that tragic night in August in 1988 when the
army brought bloody end to a pro-democratic demonstration. The
leader of the movement, Aung San Suu Kyi was placed under
supervision. Her party, the National League for Democracy (NLD),
won a election in 1990. But junta has never recognised it as
legitimate, however historic it was. Aung San Suu Kyi received the
Nobel Peace Prize the following year. The Burmese junta, however,
only lifted her supervision constraint in July 1995.
Beyond the military yoke, Burma remains a country rich with a
thousand and one treasures. Yangon, the capital, is located in the
delta of the river of the Irrawaddy which run across the country from
north to south. It looks like a little Shanghai with its British colonial
architecture. From a hill covered with palm trees, the Shwedagon
Pagoda and its stupa, covered with 60 metric tons of gold leaf, light
the city. Below, the Mahawizaya is decorated with the signs of the
zodiac. Even more surprising is the enormous Buddha in the main
hall of the Chauk Htat Gyi train station.
We took that train to Pagan, to the central of the country. In the
heart of temple country, this ancient capital which collapsed in 1287
as a result of the Mongolian invasion, Preserves the remains of
brilliant Buddhist civilisation. Temples and pagodas in red-ochre
brick stands by hundreds, as far as the eye can see. Archaeologists
have counted 2,219 monuments within 42 sq. km of which some are
more than 50 metres high. The zedi (reliquary) of the Shwezigon
pagoda, built in 1059, hold a tooth, a collarbone and the frontal bone
of Buddha. Thousands of pilgrims pour in each year to honour the
"Enlightened One" at these sacred places.
Further east, at an attitude of 878 metres, Lake Inle extends over
158 sq. km in the heart of high mountains. For the past eight
centuries, the Intha (son of the lake) live on the edges of this body of
the water. Longtime victims of slavery, today they cultivate floating
gardens where rice and all sort of vegetable grow. The Inhta have
learnt numerous trade: rice cultivation, fishing, market gardening,
weaving, blacksmiths, monasteries and reliquaries abound.
Seven hundred kilometres north of Pagan, former students of
Buddhist boarding school in Mingun are one of -a-kind witnesses to
history. The centre established in 1915 by four Buddhist monks,
houses men and women from all over Burma. Seen from above,
crowned with golden arrow, Mandalay proudly displays its religious
calling.
The bells of parasols topping the countless stupas spread the prayers
of the faithful with each breath of the wind. Here, the spirits are
turning inwards and remaining free and strong.
***********************
SUU KYI NEIGHBOUR WANT TO RALLIES TO BE STOPPED
The Asian Age (New Delhi), 16th June 1996.
Rangoon, June 15: Neighbour of democracy leader Aung San Suu
Kyi are fed up with the "unruly" weekend meetings outside her
compound and asked, in an open letter published on Saturday, that
they be stopped.
"We have been unable to get any during weekend public holidays
because of the noisy and unruly crowd that has been obstructing
traffic and disturbing the peace of mind of residents nearby," the
neighbours letter said.
"To help end the trouble we have to endure every weekend, we
implore through you the authorities to ban this illegal and unruly
public gathering," said the letter carried in the peoples forum
section of the state-run Mirror Daily.
Analysts said letter -- the first of its type -- was apparently intended
to use public sentiment to justify anticipated official action against
Ms Aung San Suu Kyis National League for Democracy.
Last week, Burma passed harsh new laws which, among other
things, effectively ban public meeting such as the NLD holds each
weekend and provide for heavy penalties.
Signed by "residents of Golden Valley," the neighbourhood
surrounding Ms Aung San Suu Kyis residential compound, the
letter complained of broken fences that had to be hurriedly mended
to ward off thieves and of the stench of urine.
The residents alleged they were subjected to abuse whenever they
attempt to enter or leave their private compounds while the weekend
meetings were under way.
A stepped-up campaign against the NLD includes television
interviews of NLD candidates who won seats in the 1990 general
elections and who declared they had decided to give up politics for
personal or health reasons.
The spate of resignations, announced by the elections commission
which supervised the 1990 balloting, followed a military clampdown
in which more than 260 NLD candidates were temporarily detained
in May to prevent a planned party congress.
About on dozen candidates are believed to have resigned so far, and
the number is generally expected to raise. (AFP)
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