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BurmaNet News June 14, 1996



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The BurmaNet News: June 14, 1996 
Issue # 443

Noted in Passing:

	There could be some disagreements among the leaders of Slorc, 
	although they are certainly united when it comes to destroying 
	the NLD and Suu Kyi. - a Bangkok-based diplomat
	(see THE NATION: BURMA ACTIVISTS BRACE FOR THE 
	WRATH OF SLORC)

HEADLINES:
==========
NCGUB: DAW AUNG SAN SUU KYI'S PUBLIC ADDRESS - EXCERPTS
REUTERS: US ENVOYS IN INDONESIA
THE NATION: THAILAND MUST BE FIRMER ON BURMA
THE NATION: KHUN SA HEALTHY AND FAT, CLAIMS AIDE
THE NATION: SLORC RAISES ANTE IN BID TO DERAIL SUU KYI'S NLD
THE NATION: BURMA ACTIVISTS BRACE FOR THE WRATH OF SLORC
BKK POST: JUNTA STEPS UP SUU KYI ATTACKS
REUTER: SLORC ATTACKED THAI LAND
REUTER: BEYOND CRACKDOWN
FEER: FEAR OF LOATHING
REUTER: BURMA'S HEROIN PRODUCERS SAY PRODUCTION 
MONLAND RESTORATION COUNCIL: PRESS RELEASE
NCGUB: DAY OF SOLIDARITY
FBC: ACTIONS TO PROMOTE  FREEDOM IN BURMA 
------------------------------------------------------------

NCGUB: DAW AUNG SAN SUU KYI'S PUBLIC ADDRESS - EXCERPTS
June 8, 1996  (rough translation)

-----------------------------------------------------------
We have received the following "rough translation" of Daw 
Aung San Suu Kyi's public address in front of her residence 
on June 8, 1996.  The address was the first since SLORC had 
asked that public gatherings at her home be banned.
-----------------------------------------------------------

We always talk about the rule of law and try to persuade the 
authorities to do what is necessary to bring about the rule of law.   
We have never said anything that would have a negative effect on the 
rule of law.  We always speak about how important the law is in a 
country and in society.  We repeatedly say that the law must 
be equal for all. 

We gather here because we all want democracy.  When we say we 
want democracy, we are not referring simply to a goal we want 
to reach.  It  is in fact a means through which we can bring 
about prosperity for our country.

To further the peace and prosperity of the country is the responsibility 
of the people in this country.  May I state this clearly: I want  the kind 
of citizens who know their responsibilities.  The citizens of this country 
must first of all know their responsibilities and then carry them out dutifully.  
Only such citizens can build a democratic country.  I truly believe this. 
 
But there are some who don't believe in their countrymen and 
women and doubt whether the people can carry out 
their responsibilities.   There are people both in Burma and 
abroad who doubt whether the Burmese are fit for democracy.  
But we believe the people have the ability.

When I say that to believe in the people I mean that they 
have the ability to decide what is best for the country and 
that they have the ability to work toward what is best for 
the country (applause). I want you to understand how heavy 
the people's responsibility is. Don't be discouraged by this 
responsibility.  Don't be discouraged that some people who 
want to take up that responsibility don't get the chance.  
Whenever you get the chance, take it up as a privilege 
(applause).  I want people to understand that, the greater 
the people's responsibility, the greater it is a test of the 
people's ability (applause)   That is why it is incumbent on 
me repeatedly to urge you to work toward a system that 
reflects the will of the people (applause). 
 
As for the NLD, also we have to repeatedly examine ourselves 
to make sure we are an organization that can carry out the 
will of the people.  We cannot think that whatever we do will 
succeed just through a one-shot meeting.  We have to gauge 
the situation every day and consider what is the best thing 
to do and decide as a group what we will do.  We work on the 
basis of consensus in making our decision.  That has been our 
practice since the founding of the NLD and it will continue 
to be so (applause).  In the NLD there is no single person 
wielding the authority.
 
Last week  I mentioned that we were criticized for speaking 
ill of the Government, so I invited the audience to write in 
with whatever good points they could think of that the SLORC 
has done.

That they held the 1990 elections is a good point.  The open-
market economy is also very good.  To build bridges, roads, 
and pagodas is also good (I'll leave it at that for now on 
that point).  To say they will all work together toward 
democracy is also very good. Another person wrote about what 
he considers the best thing the SLORC has done for the 
country: to have released Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, Ba Ba U Tin 
Oo, and  Ba Ba U Kyi  Maung and other political prisoners  (applause).

We have no reason to reject the open market system.  The NLD 
came up with a party constitution written in l988, and we 
also announced the NLD's stance in 1990, just before the 
election.  In both instances we mentioned the economic policy 
we had laid out.  We said we wanted an open market economy, 
that we support it and would put it into practice.  We also 
indicated we would encourage tourism in a way that would 
benefit the country and that we would invite foreign 
investment.  So the open market system is in line with NLD 
policy. That's why we agree this is a positive point.

The next point concerns the construction of bridges, roads, 
and pagodas.  We can't deny that building these is good.  We 
never said it wasn't, but we did indicate that the authorities should 
consider how these construction projects are carried out (applause).

In 1988 and in 1989 before my house arrest, I went around 
campaigning.  I never urged the people to vote for me and 
the NLD (applause). This was because the NLD's goal was not 
to win an election and gain power (applause).  Our 
fundamental goal was to make headway toward achieving 
democracy.  That is why in our campaigning we worked to 
explain what democracy is.  Within the NLD we also insisted 
that, if we wanted a democratic country, we had to practice 
democracy among ourselves.  We pointed out what democratic 
methods are, and we looked to see to what extent the people 
understood democracy.  For we believed we could only achieve 
democracy to the extent the people understood it.  This would 
also determine whether it would or not be a stable democracy.  
We were aiming at the people's political maturity because 
the country's progress depended on that (applause).  We 
talked about what we considered was important by way of 
political psychology. 

Our work for democracy has not come to an end.  We came to 
believe even toward the end of the election campaign that 
there would be more struggle ahead, and today we're still 
struggling.  This is our responsibility because it is the 
promise we made to the people.  We promised we would struggle 
until we achieved democracy.  And we cannot break our promise 
(applause).  The promise given by the NLD includes everyone 
in the NLD (applause).  That is why I want to urge all NLD 
members not to forget that promise.  I want you to remember 
that all of you who joined the NLD have given your promise to 
struggle until Burma becomes a democratic country.  Even 
though you may have resigned from the NLD, your promise 
remains intact (applause).  A promise given will always endure.  Whether 
you keep it or not is the question, but the promise cannot be withdrawn 
(applause).   That is why we won't withdraw our promise and instead 
renew our pledge to keep our word (applause).

We must learn to respect every individual.  We must be able to acknowledge 
and respect everyone as important nationals of this country.  We must not 
see our people as anonymous or as a faceless crowd.

When we gather here, while Ba Ba U Kyi Maung and Ba Ba U Tin 
Oo speak, I try my best to remember the faces in the crowd.  
I don't want to acknowledge you simply as part of a crowd but 
want to recognize and value you as your very individual 
selves.  I want to acknowledge that each and every one of you 
who has gathered here is an individual human being and 
important in your own right. 

We do this because the NLD values every individual.  Even if we 
don't get the name I want to know the face.  If I don't recognize the 
face I want to have a notion of the person.  I want to see each one of 
you as our co-workers and our supporters.  Never doubt that we realize 
you are supporting our movement.  Even if we don't get to 
know each one of you individually, I want you to know that we 
feel the power of your love every day (applause).

There is but little time to talk about Nelson Mandela but I 
want to give you more on the topic.

The Black leaders of South Africa together were sentenced to 
27 years in prison.  But the aim of those who were detained 
and of those who ware left behind became to grow in strength 
daily.  Those who were left behind practiced through their 
continuing activities and those detained practiced their 
strength while being detained. Now there are many ways to 
exercise one's political strength.

Some believe that engaging in political activities alone is 
to practice political strength. But to prepare oneself 
mentally is also a practice, because the mind is the most 
important. That is why I say that we don't believe in violent 
conflict but in a contest of minds (applause).  Sometimes we 
have to change the way we think. There are times when there 
can be no success unless one's mentality can be changed. 

Actually, Mandela and his colleagues at one time believed 
that the apartheid system could be dismantled only through 
violence.  There were those who agreed and planned to carry 
out an armed revolution.  But when the white government began 
to change its attitude, blacks willingly accepted that armed 
struggle was unnecessary and were open-minded enough to 
accept working together with whites.

This proves that everyone can become friends when friendship 
is based on truth and the right attitude.  But friendship 
cannot be founded on devious attitudes (applause).

What we want to say is that we will do our best.  We will do 
our best to make this country into one that reflects the will 
of the people.  But the people must also participate.  I say this over 
and over again (applause). We don't want to hear comments suggesting 
the NLD said it would get democracy for us and yet it has not 
done anything.  Don't say that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi said she 
would work for democracy and yet has done nothing for us.  
Because we never say we will work to achieve democracy by 
ourselves.  Neither I nor the NLD promised this.  What we did 
say is that we will try our best and that, with the participation of the 
people, we will surely achieve democracy

As I mentioned earlier, if it is the path we choose 
ourselves, our efforts at working together will be valuable.  
There may be some who have to support us from the roadside, 
but this is also a form of participation.  But don't just be 
an onlooker when you can be a participant (applause).  Don't 
pretend that you cannot help build a road by putting on a 
false sling, but know thyself. Even if others don't know, you 
will know in your heart and you will not be happy (applause).  

Let me wish you the best with the pledge that we will never 
break the promises we have given to you.

*************************************************

REUTERS: US ENVOYS IN INDONESIA
June 14, 1996

JAKARTA, June 14 (Reuter) - U.S. envoys seeking a coordinated 
regional response to tensions in Burma met Indonesian President 
Suharto and Foreign Minister Ali Alatas on Friday.

Few details emerged of their discussions but Alatas said
later that Indonesia's stand on Burma, along with other
countries in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN),
would remain one of constructive engagement.

``Our position has been known. It will not change,'' he told reporters.

Indonesia has been a leading advocate of ASEAN's policy of
constructive engagement with the Rangoon government.

***************************************************

THE NATION: THAILAND MUST BE FIRMER ON BURMA
June 14, 1996
Kavi Chongkittavorn

Theses days it is rare to see Thailand standing up for anything. 
However, of late, there has been some indication of a change of 
heart in Saranrom Palace on the situation in Burma. It seems now 
that the Thai government is taking a stronger and firmer stance 
towards this neighbouring country.

Bangkok's current position is that any further deterioration of 
the political situation in Burma, which might disrupt the 
democratization and national reconciliation process, must be halted.

The military junta in Rangoon must be encouraged to initiate 
dialogue with opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi. Furthermore, 
Thailand also thinks that Asean should have a pro-active policy 
towards Burma as part of its ongoing efforts to integrate it into 
the regional and international community.

New Foreign Minister Amnuay Viravan obviously sees eye to eye 
with pre-decessor Kasem S Kasemsri when it comes to the country's 
latest stance on Burma. The absence of opposing views from the 
armed forces and the National Security Council - both of whom can 
influence any decision on Burma - is illustrative of the broad 
support for this new approach.

When Amnuay meets Washington's special envoys, William Brown and 
Stanley Roth, tomorrow afternoon in Pattaya, he is likely to 
reaffirm the Thai government's view that every effort must be 
exerted to further advance the process of democratisation and 
national reconciliation through dialogue between the junta 
leaders and the National Democratic League. 

Thailand also believes that Suu Kyi is still the force to be 
reckoned with when it comes to guaranteeing long-term stability 
inside the country. Therefore, she must be allowed to conduct 
political activities peacefully and within the rule of law.

Despite its tougher stance, however, Bangkok will continue to 
back Burma's seat in the Asean Regional Forum as well as its 
further membership in Asean.

In addition, Thailand also believes there was a good reason why 
US President Bill Clinton chose Brown, a retired diplomat and 
ambassador to Thailand from 1988-92, to lead a three-man special 
team that visited Japan and Asean's members to sound out their 
opinions and coordinate their efforts at bringing about a 
peaceful transformation in one of the world's most reclusive countries.

Obviously, Washington has been dissatisfied with the lack of 
progress in Burma since the visit of UN Ambassador Madeleine 
Albright to Rangoon last September. It wants to see more concrete 
steps being taken towards the implementation of political reforms there.

There is presently a draft bill pending in Congress preventing US 
companies from investing in any infrastructure projects in the 
US, in view of the forthcoming presidential elections, the bill 
could sail through Congress. Therefore, it would be in Washington's 
interest to look for an alternative that is short of the above measure.

Viewed in this light, Washington doubtlessly would like to link 
its current efforts with the countries in the region to its broad 
strategy of pushing for a collective Asean-led policy that would 
calm down US lawmakers. With the prevailing Thai attitude, 
Washington finds the situation encouraging and has expressed its 
support of this view.

The US as well as other Western countries have learned from past 
experience the futility of clashing with Asean on forging a 
policy on Burma. It would be better to coordinate, if possible, 
their moves by bridging the existing gap between both sides. That 
way, collective pressure could be applied to Slorc in order for 
positive changes to be brought about in Burma.

But to move further in this direction, Asean must get its act 
together. Asean's  senior officials failed to adopt a common 
approach on Burma during last week's meeting in Bukittinggi, west 
Sumatra. The outgoing chairman of Asean, quickly rejected the 
offer to be the special envoy of Asean. So did Malaysian Foreign 
Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, the incoming chairman of Asean.

Some Asean countries fear that sending an envoy to Burma now 
would be tantamount to yielding to US pressure. They also 
consider it as an act of interference in Burma's internal affairs.

Be that as it may, such a circumstance should allow Thailand to 
play a higher profile and serve as a catalyst to Asean's policy 
on Burma. In the past weeks, Thailand has already established 
itself as a credible country as far as Burmese issues are 
concerned. It must have the courage to lead and take up further 
challenges on this front.

Realistically. as Burma's closet neighbour any Thai approach 
would be viewed with deep scepticism by both Asean and non-Asean 
countries. Therefore, it is imperative, first and foremost, that 
Thailand stick to its current position without the usual dissensions from 
the concerned authorities. Given time, this approach can be built upon 
and subsequently gain acceptance from these countries.

Perhaps the upcoming Asean foreign ministerial meeting, which 
will be held next month in Jakarta, would be an opportune time 
for Asean and its dialogue partners to discuss and review this 
issue. Asean's common position on Burma could be reflected in 
their joint communique.

All said, Thailand must look for an alternative approach towards 
Burma that Asean and its dialogue partners can support since they 
also face a similar dilemma. Above all, more than we would like 
to admit, Thailand has a moral obligation to see to it that the Burmese 
peoples' aspiration to democracy, unity, prosperity and integration with 
the international community is fulfilled in the near future. (TN)

****************************************************

THE NATION: KHUN SA HEALTHY AND FAT, CLAIMS AIDE
June 14, 1996 Reuter   (abridged)

BANGKOK - Khun Sa, Burma's retired opium warlord, has recovered 
from a spell of poor health, is putting on weight and enjoys the 
company of young women who shuttle between Thailand and Rangoon, 
one of his aides said yesterday.

The aide, who is based on the Thai-Burmese border, said Khun Sa 
was staying at a Burmese army guest-house in an exclusive 
neighbourhood on the shore of Rangoon's Inya Lake, but was 
building a house on a plot of land he had bought in the same area.

"He's healthy now, he's getting fat," the aide, a former official 
in Khun Sa's guerrilla army, said.

Khun Sa has not been seen in public since shortly after his 
surrender, but sources close to him said last month he was in 
poor health with diabetes and related eyesight problems.

The aide said Khun Sa's young Shan wife and two other young Shan 
women take turns travelling from their homes in northern Thailand 
to Rangoon to be with him.

*********************************************

THE NATION: BURMA ACTIVISTS BRACE FOR THE WRATH OF SLORC
June 14, 1996

Rangoon was quiet last week but the air was pregnant with 
expectations that a fearful crackdown is imminent. Aung Zaw reports.

In 1756, Dagon was renamed Yangon (Rangoon) by Burma's powerful 
monarch Alaungpaya. "Yangon" basically means "end of strife". 
Ironically, however, it seems strife will never end in Burma.

Last weekend, approximately 6,000 people gathered at the home of 
Aung San Suu Kyi to hear her speak. The people who showed up 
"deserved an honorary award" said Kyaw Linn, one of those in the crowd.

The reason: The Slorc passed laws last week that empower the Home 
Ministry to ban Suu Kyi's NLD party, from holding gatherings at 
her house on the grounds that they obstruct the government-
sponsored National Convention's efforts to draft a constitution.

The new laws, which mandated fines and prison terms ranging from 
five to 20 years to those found guilty of violating them , were 
introduced by the Slorc soon after Suu Kyi announced plans to 
draw up a constitution during her first congress.

"An illegal regime passing laws to outlaw an elected party is 
like handing out speeding fines at Le Mans," commented one 
Western observer who recently returned from Rangoon. The NLD won 
a landslide election in 1990 but the result was ignored.

Almost 300 of Suu Kyi's supporters and members of the NLD were 
detained prior to last weekend's gathering, although it is believed that 
half of them including some students have since been released.

Those released, however, remain under strict surveillance and 
face rearrest. Popular comedian Thu Ya, better known by his 
nickname Zargana (Tweezers), was said by dissident sources to 
have been rearrested but this could not be confirmed.

One activist who was released last week said: "I am always being 
followed. I don't feel secure."

Rangoon sources estimated that at least 40 followers of Suu Kyi, 
including two aides, were still in Insein jail. In interviews 
last week, Suu Kyi charged some of the delegates were released on 
the condition they resign from the party.

Suu Kyi said that despite the crackdown her party remains well-
organised and united. While the Slorc has so far refrained from 
taking any action against Suu Kyi's gatherings, it doesn't mean 
that the junta's leaders will continue tolerating it, Slorc-watchers said.

"I will be very surprised if they don't launch a crackdown soon," 
said a Bangkok-based diplomat. She speculated that the Slorc leadership 
is now discussing what steps to take nex. "There could some disagreements 
among the leaders of Slorc, although they are certainly united when it comes 
to destroying the NLD and Suu Kyi," she added.

On Monday, the Slorc-controlled press warned that restraint by 
the government should not be mistaken for leniency.

A veteran journalist in Rangoon noticed that the junta seems to 
be content for now merely keeping an eye on NLD members and Suu 
Kyi supporters.

"Sooner or later they will take action," he added.

He believes that the international outcry over Slorc's recent 
crackdown and Washington's decision to dispatch two envoys to the 
region promoted Slorc to hold off on taking action last weekend.

Is the junta worried about the repercussions from US and 
international condemnation?

"Burma's leaders remain confident," commented as Bangkok-based 
diplomat. "They know Asean isn't going to rally behind Suu Kyi," he said.

A Burmese dissident and member of the All Burma Students' 
Democratic Front said: "Asean represents not only government 
officials, but also the 470 million people in Southeast Asia. 
This regional grouping should show its support and solidarity 
towards the people of Burma."

A Western diplomat predicted that a crackdown will be launched 
even before Asean holds a meeting in July, which Burma is keen to 
attend. The diplomat expressed concern over the fate of Suu Kyi 
and the NLD's senior leaders.

The Slorc press has told Suu Kyi "to go home".  Suu Kyi lived in 
England for many years and is married to a Briton. Aung Naing Oo, 
a leader of the ABSDF said some dissidents are speculating she 
will be deported to London.

Having declared 1996 "Visit Myanmar Year", the junta must be 
careful, however, about how it deals with the opposition. Troops 
opening fire on democracy activists in the streets of Rangoon 
wouldn't do much for the image of their country as a tourist destination.

Suu Kyi's stand over the last two weeks has reinforced her popularity in 
the countryside. Sky-rocketing prices are another factor.

"You see some people are very rich, there is a huge gap. People 
want change," said the Rangoon journalist. Analysts and activist 
in Rangoon said no one but Suu Kyi can challenge the regime. 
"Those who challenged the Slorc before were either cowed, killed 
or imprisoned," one said. "Because of her unique position and 
political background, the Slorc is reluctant to take strong 
action against Suu Kyi." Suu Kyi's father was Gen Aung San, a 
national hero and founder of the armed forces.

In an editorial, the New Delhi-based The Asian Age wrote: "Though 
unarmed, she is the one who holds the advantage in the war of 
nerves. This, an only this, is the fragile shield behind which thousands 
of Myanmarese have taken cover in the unequal fight for democracy."

At last weekend's gathering, Suu Kyi told the crowd: "This is a 
concrete demonstration of support for the NLD by the people. I 
would like to thank all our supporters for their presence here." 
Although Suu Kyi said she remained committed to bringing 
democracy to Burma, she refrained from direct criticism of the 
regime. "We never said a word to undermine the stability of the 
state," Suu Kyi told the crowd, referring to the new laws.

Witnesses said that while the Slorc did not disrupt last 
weekend's gathering, they noticed the absence of barricades and 
traffic police, who previously helped ease human and vehicular 
traffic on University Avenue.

Many see this as an omen, an indication that the junta is 
preparing for a fresh crackdown.

To some Rangoon residents the situation is very similar to 1988 
when troops withdrew from public and allowed anarchy to take over.

When the soldiers moved in to restore order thousands of pro-
democracy demonstrators were killed.

The military rulers have made it clear that they no longer want 
to hear Suu Kyi's speeches. But Suu Kyi's supporters remained 
undaunted, chanting "democracy will prevail." The junta has vowed 
this will never happen. Democracy, and its supporters, according 
to Slorc, are common enemies. (TN)

*********************************************** 

REUTER: SLORC ATTACKED THAI LAND
June 14, 1996

    MAE SOT, Thailand, June 14 (Reuter) - Burmese troops and their allies
fired a dozen mortar bombs into a refugee camp on the Thai side of the
frontier, wounding three people and sending hundreds fleeing in panic, a Thai
army source said on Friday.
     The attack on the Shokhlo refugee camp in northwestern Thailand, home to
some 7,000 Karen people from Burma, began late on Thursday and ceased after
Thai border security forces fired mortar rounds at the attackers.
     The camp is only a couple of km (miles) from a border river.
     The Thai army officer said the attack was carried out by Burmese troops
and their allies in the area, members of a Karen guerrilla splinter faction
that broke away from the anti-Rangoon Karen National Union guerrilla group.
     Burmese authorities say Karen refugee camps in Thailand are centres of
support for the anti-Rangoon rebel force.

***********************************************************

REUTER: BEYOND CRACKDOWN
June 14, 1996  (abridged)

    RANGOON, June 14 (Reuter) - Two more elected members of Aung San Suu
Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) have resigned bringing the total
number to leave the party in recent days to 10, Burma's state-run media
reported on Friday.
     The media said the two, both of whom won seats in a May 1990 election,
had asked to step down, one for health reasons and the other because he no
longer wanted to be involved in party politics.
     The country's official election commission, which organised the 1990
poll, agreed to their requests and let them resign as representatives-elect,
the media reported.

***********************************************************

FEER: FEAR OF LOATHING
Asean keeps soft line on Rangoon junta
June 20, 1996
By Rodney Tasker in Bangkok

As the military regime in Rangoon tightens the screws on 
democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi, it is facing strong 
condemnation from the US, European countries and Australia. But 
Burma's Asian neighbours have been far more circumspect.

President Bill Clinton has dispatched two special envoys, William 
Brown and Stanley Roth, to the region to drum up a campaign to 
force the junta to go easy on Suu Kyi and her NLD party. But when 
the envoys visited Japanese Foreign Minister Yukihiko Ikeda in 
Tokyo on June 10, for instance, all he said was that Tokyo shared 
Washington's desire to prevent the situation in Burma from 
deteriorating. Roth and Brown were likely to receive similarly 
disappointing platitudes in the rest of the region.

Asean's "constructive-engagement" policy towards Rangoon, 
initiated by Thailand, is still in place. And Burma, together 
with Laos and Cambodia, is poised to join Asean as a full member 
of the regional grouping.

Suu Kyi, meanwhile, appeared to be thumbing her nose at the 
junta. In late may she criticized its obstruction of moves 
towards democracy in Burma before a crowd of 10,000 supporters 
outside her Rangoon home. Some 260 NLD members had just been 
detained by the military on the eve of a party congress at Suu 
Kyi's home, where she had been under house detention until her 
"release" in July 1995. Most of those detained had been 
candidates in the 1990 general election. The NLD won a landslide 
victory in the poll, but Slorc refused to relinquish power.

The NLD congress went ahead despite the detentions, and adopted a 
resolution to draft an alternative constitution. This was seen as 
a snub to a government-controlled national convention which is 
drawing up a constitution that will ensure a political role for the military.

Then came another blast from Slorc. On June 7, Slorc chief Gen 
Than Shwe issued an order empowering the government to ban any 
organization obstructing development of a new constitution or 
holding unlawful gatherings (no more than five people may gather 
legally). Members would face five-to-20 year jail terms if found 
guilty of "adversely affecting the national interest." Similar 
jail terms were decreed for those deemed to be undermining state 
stability.

Yet on June 8 and 9 several thousand supporters still gathered 
outside Suu Kyi's house to hear her speak. She appeared to tone 
down her rhetoric when she mentioned her party's political 
programme. "We are not doing this to provoke the government; we 
are doing this as it is our responsibility to the people," she said.

Suu Kyi may not have heard about remarks the previous day by 
Singapore's elder statesman and senior minister, Lee Kuan Yew. 
"If I were Aung San Suu Kyi I think I would rather be behind a 
fence and be a symbol," instead of being an "impotent" government 
leader, Lee told a group of foreign and local journalists in Singapore.

Lee added: "Asean cannot rescue Burma even if it wants to, and I 
have the awful feeling rescuing Burma is beyond the capacity of 
even the US." (FEER)

*****************************************************

REUTER: BURMA'S HEROIN PRODUCERS SAY PRODUCTION 
WOULD STOP WITHIN 10 YEARS
June 14, 1996

     RANGOON, June 14 (Reuter) - Leaders of Burma's main heroin producing
groups have promised the military government they will eradicate drugs from
their areas within 10 years, Burma's state-run media reported on Friday.

The media quoted Home Affairs Minister, Lieutenant-General Mya Thin, as
telling a Rangoon drug control meeting that ethnic minority leaders in the
Kokang and Wa regions of northeastern Burma's Shan state had promised to 
wipe out the opium poppy.

The U.S. State Department's bureau for international narcotics and law
enforcement affairs said in a March report that the drug trade in Shan state
continued ``virtually unchecked.''

    ``Burmese authorities lack the resources, the ability or the will to take
action against ethnic drug trafficking groups with whom they have negotiated
ceasefires,'' the bureau said.

    The Wa and Kokang areas on the border with southern China were for years
under the control of the Communist Party of Burma and its powerful guerrilla
army.

    But the rank and file communist troops, most of them drawn from the
patchwork of Shan state's ethnic minorities including the Wa, mutinied
against their leaders in early 1989 and fragmented into several well-armed
factions.

    The ruling military soon struck ceasefire deals with the factions,
allowing them to keep their arms and to operate with a degree of autonomy in
exchange for the truces.

    ``Groups known to be involved in the heroin trade, such as the United Wa
State Army and the Kokang militia, remain heavily armed and enjoy complete
autonomy in their base areas,'' the U.S. state department's bureau said in
its report.

    ``The Burmese government has either been unwilling or unable to get these
groups to reduce heroin trafficking or opium cultivation,'' it said.

    Burma is the world's largest source of illegal opium with a an annual
crop of more than 2,000 tonnes, enough to produce more than 200 tonnes of
heroin.

    Before his surrender in January, opium warlord Khun Sa, based in southern
Shan state, was estimated to be responsible for approximately half of Burma's
heroin output with the former communist groups responsible for most of the
remainder.

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MONLAND RESTORATION COUNCIL: PRESS RELEASE
June 7, 1996

We, members of the Monland Restoration Council, join the Democratic Burmese
Students Organization (USA) together with Free Burma Coalition (FBC) and
begin today our fast in front of the White House in Washington, D.C. to
protest against the SLORC's recent arrest of NLD's members and US
corporations doing business in Burma.

It is report that Burma's military regime known as the State Law and Order
Restoration Council (SLORC) recently arrested 256 members of  the National
League for Democracy (NLD), a political party led by Aung San Suu Kyi, 1991
Nobel Peace Prize winner.  In the May 1990 general election, NLD won a
landslide victory gaining over 80% the seats in the parliament.  However, the
SLORC has refused to transfer political power to the people's
representatives.  Various types of human rights violations, including  forced
labor, forced relocation of villages, rapes, and tortures continue.  The
SLORC is reported to be one of the world's most brutal military regimes.

Major US corporations such as TEXACO, ARCO,UNOCAL and Pepsi-Cola are
continuing to support Burma's regime by investing millions of dollars in
Burma.  Texaco and other oil corporations provide one of the largest sources
of income for the SLORC.   Texaco is drilling for gas in gulf of Martaban --
Yetagun field-- 260 miles south of the capital city of Rangoon; its
participation in this natural gas venture is supporting the SLORC to remain
in power and to continue oppressing the people of Burma.

The May 1990 general election has proved that we are a civilized nation
determined to leading ourselves into a free society. But Burma's military
regime is a giant obstacle on our way to our goal, democracy.  Our nation has
suffered long enough under the rule of a military dictatorship.  Time has
already come for the world's leading democracies to remove any form of
dictatorship from the earth.

We with great concerns for our nation urgently call for the United States
government to:

1. Introduce a proposal that will deny membership of Burma's military regime
at the United Nations until democracy is restored in Burma.

2. Impose a total economic sanction on Burma.

3. Urge Burma's military regime to begin negotiations with representatives of
the NLD and ethnic nationalities.

Central Committee 
Pon Nya (Pon Nya Mon)

Chairman of Monland Restoration Council
P.O. Box 50108
Fort Wayne, IN 46805-0108
Tel: (219) 471-3961
E-mail:honsawatoi@xxxxxxx

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NCGUB: DAY OF SOLIDARITY
June 11, 1996

ACTION CALL! ACTION CALL!  ACTION CALL!  ACTION CALL!

The only reason that the military regime has not abolished the National 
League for Democracy outright and arrested its leaders is because it fears 
further international outcry which can withhold investment, loans and aid.

In light of these developments, the National Coalition Government of the 
Union of Burma believes that if human rights and democracy are to be 
restored in Burma, it is crucial for the International community to 
continually express its iron-clad solidarity with Daw Aung San Suu 
Kyi and the National League for Democracy and at the same time to 
strongly condemn the ongoing repressive moves by the military regime.

With this objective in mind, the National Coalition 
Government of the Union of Burma has designated June 
19,1996 as the Action Day for Burma.  The day also marks 
the 51st birthday of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.

We call on Burmese communities, individuals and support 
groups helping Burma, and people who wish to see justice 
in Burma to hold commemorative activities on or around 
June 19 to celebrate Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's 51st 
birthday and to express their solidarity with the 
democracy movement in Burma.

NATIONAL COALITION GOVERNMENT OF THE UNION OF BURMA
815 Fifteenth St NW, Suite 910, Washington DC 20005
Fax: (202) 393-7343  Tel:(202) 393-7342  (202)393-4312 

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FBC: ACTIONS TO PROMOTE  FREEDOM IN BURMA 
June 14, 1996
zni@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx

SUGGESTIONS FOR DAW AUNG SAN SUU KYI'S BIRTHDAY
ON JUNE 19TH

1).  Fax letters of support for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to the Burmese desks
at BBC and the Voice of America.  In addition to simply saying you are in
solidarity with her wishing her 51st birthday, include two points the
following two points:

a) why you (and/or group) are engaged in boycott campaigns throughout the
world; and
b) why you think the people of Burma themselves should participate in
consumer boycott of foreign goods and services imported from companies and
countries that do business with Burma's oppressors, Slorc.

BBC Burmese desk:
011-44-171-836-9466  (Attn: U Than Lwin Htun or Daw Yin Yin May)
011-1-202-619-1840  (Attn: U Khin Maung Htay)

2) Address her, not just as leading activist or democracy advocate, but as
Burma's sole legitimate leader who enjoys popular support of a great
majority Burmese people.

3)  Fax those letters to Slorc embassy in the country where you live.  Also
fax copies of the statement to embassies from ASEAN nations and Japan,
specifically targetting governments frm Indonesia, Malaysia,the
Phillipines, and Thailand.  A perhaps brief cover letter will be of use
expressing that you find utterly repugnant their position on "constructive
engagement" and hands-off approach to Aung San Suu Kyi's extraordinary
struggle to bring peace and freedom to Burma.  If you are in one of the
ASEAN countries, please fax or mail it to the head of state.

4) If you are part of a given religious community, say a few words about
Aung San Suu Kyi and her struggle adherence to non-violence principles in
Burma's quest for freedom.

5) If you are artistic and literary-minded, you acn come up with a zillion
creative things: composing a song, writing a poem, an essay, letter to the
editor,or  opinion editorial pieces, and drawing a portrait.  And letting
us know that you have created something out of your desire to help fight
Burma's struggle.  This will allow us to write up a newsworthy story.

6) If you are a teacher, you can spend a few minutes on Aung San Suu Kyi
and familiarize your students with her incredible efforts to restore
freedom and peace in Burma.

7) Fax a copy of the statement/letter to Massachusetts Governor Weld who
will make decision very soon RE: enactment of the world's first statewide
economic sanctions bill ((H2833).

Governor William Weld
State House, Commonwealth of Massachusetts
Boston, MA 02133-1053

(617) 727-3600 phone   	(617) 727-9731 NEW working fax number
(617) 727-9725 old soon to be repaired fax number

Send a copy to:
Julia Carpenter, Issues Director
Citizens for Participation in Political Action (CPPAX)
25 West Street, Boston, MA 02111
(617) 426 3040              (617) 338 3075 fax   	cppax@xxxxxxx

8) Simply call your local media (call foreign news desk) and ask if they
are doing anything on Aung San Suu Kyi's birthday.  If they have no plans
to publish anything, urge them to do a piece on her.  You can offer your
expertise on Burma and her struggle if they so desire.

People of Burma really need your support in their darkest moments under
thuggish Slorc generals.  Your letters will go a long way in helping them
persevere in their struggle.

The Free Burma Coalition
University of Wisconsin
225 North Mills Street, Madison, WI 53706
Tel: (608)-256-6572   Fax: (608)-263-9992
http://danenet.wicip.org/fbc/freeburma.html

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