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BurmaNet News June 14, 1996
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Date: Sat, 15 Jun 1996 17:57:29 -0700 (PDT)
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The BurmaNet News: June 14, 1996
Issue # 443
Noted in Passing:
There could be some disagreements among the leaders of Slorc,
although they are certainly united when it comes to destroying
the NLD and Suu Kyi. - a Bangkok-based diplomat
(see THE NATION: BURMA ACTIVISTS BRACE FOR THE
WRATH OF SLORC)
HEADLINES:
==========
NCGUB: DAW AUNG SAN SUU KYI'S PUBLIC ADDRESS - EXCERPTS
REUTERS: US ENVOYS IN INDONESIA
THE NATION: THAILAND MUST BE FIRMER ON BURMA
THE NATION: KHUN SA HEALTHY AND FAT, CLAIMS AIDE
THE NATION: SLORC RAISES ANTE IN BID TO DERAIL SUU KYI'S NLD
THE NATION: BURMA ACTIVISTS BRACE FOR THE WRATH OF SLORC
BKK POST: JUNTA STEPS UP SUU KYI ATTACKS
REUTER: SLORC ATTACKED THAI LAND
REUTER: BEYOND CRACKDOWN
FEER: FEAR OF LOATHING
REUTER: BURMA'S HEROIN PRODUCERS SAY PRODUCTION
MONLAND RESTORATION COUNCIL: PRESS RELEASE
NCGUB: DAY OF SOLIDARITY
FBC: ACTIONS TO PROMOTE FREEDOM IN BURMA
------------------------------------------------------------
NCGUB: DAW AUNG SAN SUU KYI'S PUBLIC ADDRESS - EXCERPTS
June 8, 1996 (rough translation)
-----------------------------------------------------------
We have received the following "rough translation" of Daw
Aung San Suu Kyi's public address in front of her residence
on June 8, 1996. The address was the first since SLORC had
asked that public gatherings at her home be banned.
-----------------------------------------------------------
We always talk about the rule of law and try to persuade the
authorities to do what is necessary to bring about the rule of law.
We have never said anything that would have a negative effect on the
rule of law. We always speak about how important the law is in a
country and in society. We repeatedly say that the law must
be equal for all.
We gather here because we all want democracy. When we say we
want democracy, we are not referring simply to a goal we want
to reach. It is in fact a means through which we can bring
about prosperity for our country.
To further the peace and prosperity of the country is the responsibility
of the people in this country. May I state this clearly: I want the kind
of citizens who know their responsibilities. The citizens of this country
must first of all know their responsibilities and then carry them out dutifully.
Only such citizens can build a democratic country. I truly believe this.
But there are some who don't believe in their countrymen and
women and doubt whether the people can carry out
their responsibilities. There are people both in Burma and
abroad who doubt whether the Burmese are fit for democracy.
But we believe the people have the ability.
When I say that to believe in the people I mean that they
have the ability to decide what is best for the country and
that they have the ability to work toward what is best for
the country (applause). I want you to understand how heavy
the people's responsibility is. Don't be discouraged by this
responsibility. Don't be discouraged that some people who
want to take up that responsibility don't get the chance.
Whenever you get the chance, take it up as a privilege
(applause). I want people to understand that, the greater
the people's responsibility, the greater it is a test of the
people's ability (applause) That is why it is incumbent on
me repeatedly to urge you to work toward a system that
reflects the will of the people (applause).
As for the NLD, also we have to repeatedly examine ourselves
to make sure we are an organization that can carry out the
will of the people. We cannot think that whatever we do will
succeed just through a one-shot meeting. We have to gauge
the situation every day and consider what is the best thing
to do and decide as a group what we will do. We work on the
basis of consensus in making our decision. That has been our
practice since the founding of the NLD and it will continue
to be so (applause). In the NLD there is no single person
wielding the authority.
Last week I mentioned that we were criticized for speaking
ill of the Government, so I invited the audience to write in
with whatever good points they could think of that the SLORC
has done.
That they held the 1990 elections is a good point. The open-
market economy is also very good. To build bridges, roads,
and pagodas is also good (I'll leave it at that for now on
that point). To say they will all work together toward
democracy is also very good. Another person wrote about what
he considers the best thing the SLORC has done for the
country: to have released Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, Ba Ba U Tin
Oo, and Ba Ba U Kyi Maung and other political prisoners (applause).
We have no reason to reject the open market system. The NLD
came up with a party constitution written in l988, and we
also announced the NLD's stance in 1990, just before the
election. In both instances we mentioned the economic policy
we had laid out. We said we wanted an open market economy,
that we support it and would put it into practice. We also
indicated we would encourage tourism in a way that would
benefit the country and that we would invite foreign
investment. So the open market system is in line with NLD
policy. That's why we agree this is a positive point.
The next point concerns the construction of bridges, roads,
and pagodas. We can't deny that building these is good. We
never said it wasn't, but we did indicate that the authorities should
consider how these construction projects are carried out (applause).
In 1988 and in 1989 before my house arrest, I went around
campaigning. I never urged the people to vote for me and
the NLD (applause). This was because the NLD's goal was not
to win an election and gain power (applause). Our
fundamental goal was to make headway toward achieving
democracy. That is why in our campaigning we worked to
explain what democracy is. Within the NLD we also insisted
that, if we wanted a democratic country, we had to practice
democracy among ourselves. We pointed out what democratic
methods are, and we looked to see to what extent the people
understood democracy. For we believed we could only achieve
democracy to the extent the people understood it. This would
also determine whether it would or not be a stable democracy.
We were aiming at the people's political maturity because
the country's progress depended on that (applause). We
talked about what we considered was important by way of
political psychology.
Our work for democracy has not come to an end. We came to
believe even toward the end of the election campaign that
there would be more struggle ahead, and today we're still
struggling. This is our responsibility because it is the
promise we made to the people. We promised we would struggle
until we achieved democracy. And we cannot break our promise
(applause). The promise given by the NLD includes everyone
in the NLD (applause). That is why I want to urge all NLD
members not to forget that promise. I want you to remember
that all of you who joined the NLD have given your promise to
struggle until Burma becomes a democratic country. Even
though you may have resigned from the NLD, your promise
remains intact (applause). A promise given will always endure. Whether
you keep it or not is the question, but the promise cannot be withdrawn
(applause). That is why we won't withdraw our promise and instead
renew our pledge to keep our word (applause).
We must learn to respect every individual. We must be able to acknowledge
and respect everyone as important nationals of this country. We must not
see our people as anonymous or as a faceless crowd.
When we gather here, while Ba Ba U Kyi Maung and Ba Ba U Tin
Oo speak, I try my best to remember the faces in the crowd.
I don't want to acknowledge you simply as part of a crowd but
want to recognize and value you as your very individual
selves. I want to acknowledge that each and every one of you
who has gathered here is an individual human being and
important in your own right.
We do this because the NLD values every individual. Even if we
don't get the name I want to know the face. If I don't recognize the
face I want to have a notion of the person. I want to see each one of
you as our co-workers and our supporters. Never doubt that we realize
you are supporting our movement. Even if we don't get to
know each one of you individually, I want you to know that we
feel the power of your love every day (applause).
There is but little time to talk about Nelson Mandela but I
want to give you more on the topic.
The Black leaders of South Africa together were sentenced to
27 years in prison. But the aim of those who were detained
and of those who ware left behind became to grow in strength
daily. Those who were left behind practiced through their
continuing activities and those detained practiced their
strength while being detained. Now there are many ways to
exercise one's political strength.
Some believe that engaging in political activities alone is
to practice political strength. But to prepare oneself
mentally is also a practice, because the mind is the most
important. That is why I say that we don't believe in violent
conflict but in a contest of minds (applause). Sometimes we
have to change the way we think. There are times when there
can be no success unless one's mentality can be changed.
Actually, Mandela and his colleagues at one time believed
that the apartheid system could be dismantled only through
violence. There were those who agreed and planned to carry
out an armed revolution. But when the white government began
to change its attitude, blacks willingly accepted that armed
struggle was unnecessary and were open-minded enough to
accept working together with whites.
This proves that everyone can become friends when friendship
is based on truth and the right attitude. But friendship
cannot be founded on devious attitudes (applause).
What we want to say is that we will do our best. We will do
our best to make this country into one that reflects the will
of the people. But the people must also participate. I say this over
and over again (applause). We don't want to hear comments suggesting
the NLD said it would get democracy for us and yet it has not
done anything. Don't say that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi said she
would work for democracy and yet has done nothing for us.
Because we never say we will work to achieve democracy by
ourselves. Neither I nor the NLD promised this. What we did
say is that we will try our best and that, with the participation of the
people, we will surely achieve democracy
As I mentioned earlier, if it is the path we choose
ourselves, our efforts at working together will be valuable.
There may be some who have to support us from the roadside,
but this is also a form of participation. But don't just be
an onlooker when you can be a participant (applause). Don't
pretend that you cannot help build a road by putting on a
false sling, but know thyself. Even if others don't know, you
will know in your heart and you will not be happy (applause).
Let me wish you the best with the pledge that we will never
break the promises we have given to you.
*************************************************
REUTERS: US ENVOYS IN INDONESIA
June 14, 1996
JAKARTA, June 14 (Reuter) - U.S. envoys seeking a coordinated
regional response to tensions in Burma met Indonesian President
Suharto and Foreign Minister Ali Alatas on Friday.
Few details emerged of their discussions but Alatas said
later that Indonesia's stand on Burma, along with other
countries in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN),
would remain one of constructive engagement.
``Our position has been known. It will not change,'' he told reporters.
Indonesia has been a leading advocate of ASEAN's policy of
constructive engagement with the Rangoon government.
***************************************************
THE NATION: THAILAND MUST BE FIRMER ON BURMA
June 14, 1996
Kavi Chongkittavorn
Theses days it is rare to see Thailand standing up for anything.
However, of late, there has been some indication of a change of
heart in Saranrom Palace on the situation in Burma. It seems now
that the Thai government is taking a stronger and firmer stance
towards this neighbouring country.
Bangkok's current position is that any further deterioration of
the political situation in Burma, which might disrupt the
democratization and national reconciliation process, must be halted.
The military junta in Rangoon must be encouraged to initiate
dialogue with opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi. Furthermore,
Thailand also thinks that Asean should have a pro-active policy
towards Burma as part of its ongoing efforts to integrate it into
the regional and international community.
New Foreign Minister Amnuay Viravan obviously sees eye to eye
with pre-decessor Kasem S Kasemsri when it comes to the country's
latest stance on Burma. The absence of opposing views from the
armed forces and the National Security Council - both of whom can
influence any decision on Burma - is illustrative of the broad
support for this new approach.
When Amnuay meets Washington's special envoys, William Brown and
Stanley Roth, tomorrow afternoon in Pattaya, he is likely to
reaffirm the Thai government's view that every effort must be
exerted to further advance the process of democratisation and
national reconciliation through dialogue between the junta
leaders and the National Democratic League.
Thailand also believes that Suu Kyi is still the force to be
reckoned with when it comes to guaranteeing long-term stability
inside the country. Therefore, she must be allowed to conduct
political activities peacefully and within the rule of law.
Despite its tougher stance, however, Bangkok will continue to
back Burma's seat in the Asean Regional Forum as well as its
further membership in Asean.
In addition, Thailand also believes there was a good reason why
US President Bill Clinton chose Brown, a retired diplomat and
ambassador to Thailand from 1988-92, to lead a three-man special
team that visited Japan and Asean's members to sound out their
opinions and coordinate their efforts at bringing about a
peaceful transformation in one of the world's most reclusive countries.
Obviously, Washington has been dissatisfied with the lack of
progress in Burma since the visit of UN Ambassador Madeleine
Albright to Rangoon last September. It wants to see more concrete
steps being taken towards the implementation of political reforms there.
There is presently a draft bill pending in Congress preventing US
companies from investing in any infrastructure projects in the
US, in view of the forthcoming presidential elections, the bill
could sail through Congress. Therefore, it would be in Washington's
interest to look for an alternative that is short of the above measure.
Viewed in this light, Washington doubtlessly would like to link
its current efforts with the countries in the region to its broad
strategy of pushing for a collective Asean-led policy that would
calm down US lawmakers. With the prevailing Thai attitude,
Washington finds the situation encouraging and has expressed its
support of this view.
The US as well as other Western countries have learned from past
experience the futility of clashing with Asean on forging a
policy on Burma. It would be better to coordinate, if possible,
their moves by bridging the existing gap between both sides. That
way, collective pressure could be applied to Slorc in order for
positive changes to be brought about in Burma.
But to move further in this direction, Asean must get its act
together. Asean's senior officials failed to adopt a common
approach on Burma during last week's meeting in Bukittinggi, west
Sumatra. The outgoing chairman of Asean, quickly rejected the
offer to be the special envoy of Asean. So did Malaysian Foreign
Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, the incoming chairman of Asean.
Some Asean countries fear that sending an envoy to Burma now
would be tantamount to yielding to US pressure. They also
consider it as an act of interference in Burma's internal affairs.
Be that as it may, such a circumstance should allow Thailand to
play a higher profile and serve as a catalyst to Asean's policy
on Burma. In the past weeks, Thailand has already established
itself as a credible country as far as Burmese issues are
concerned. It must have the courage to lead and take up further
challenges on this front.
Realistically. as Burma's closet neighbour any Thai approach
would be viewed with deep scepticism by both Asean and non-Asean
countries. Therefore, it is imperative, first and foremost, that
Thailand stick to its current position without the usual dissensions from
the concerned authorities. Given time, this approach can be built upon
and subsequently gain acceptance from these countries.
Perhaps the upcoming Asean foreign ministerial meeting, which
will be held next month in Jakarta, would be an opportune time
for Asean and its dialogue partners to discuss and review this
issue. Asean's common position on Burma could be reflected in
their joint communique.
All said, Thailand must look for an alternative approach towards
Burma that Asean and its dialogue partners can support since they
also face a similar dilemma. Above all, more than we would like
to admit, Thailand has a moral obligation to see to it that the Burmese
peoples' aspiration to democracy, unity, prosperity and integration with
the international community is fulfilled in the near future. (TN)
****************************************************
THE NATION: KHUN SA HEALTHY AND FAT, CLAIMS AIDE
June 14, 1996 Reuter (abridged)
BANGKOK - Khun Sa, Burma's retired opium warlord, has recovered
from a spell of poor health, is putting on weight and enjoys the
company of young women who shuttle between Thailand and Rangoon,
one of his aides said yesterday.
The aide, who is based on the Thai-Burmese border, said Khun Sa
was staying at a Burmese army guest-house in an exclusive
neighbourhood on the shore of Rangoon's Inya Lake, but was
building a house on a plot of land he had bought in the same area.
"He's healthy now, he's getting fat," the aide, a former official
in Khun Sa's guerrilla army, said.
Khun Sa has not been seen in public since shortly after his
surrender, but sources close to him said last month he was in
poor health with diabetes and related eyesight problems.
The aide said Khun Sa's young Shan wife and two other young Shan
women take turns travelling from their homes in northern Thailand
to Rangoon to be with him.
*********************************************
THE NATION: BURMA ACTIVISTS BRACE FOR THE WRATH OF SLORC
June 14, 1996
Rangoon was quiet last week but the air was pregnant with
expectations that a fearful crackdown is imminent. Aung Zaw reports.
In 1756, Dagon was renamed Yangon (Rangoon) by Burma's powerful
monarch Alaungpaya. "Yangon" basically means "end of strife".
Ironically, however, it seems strife will never end in Burma.
Last weekend, approximately 6,000 people gathered at the home of
Aung San Suu Kyi to hear her speak. The people who showed up
"deserved an honorary award" said Kyaw Linn, one of those in the crowd.
The reason: The Slorc passed laws last week that empower the Home
Ministry to ban Suu Kyi's NLD party, from holding gatherings at
her house on the grounds that they obstruct the government-
sponsored National Convention's efforts to draft a constitution.
The new laws, which mandated fines and prison terms ranging from
five to 20 years to those found guilty of violating them , were
introduced by the Slorc soon after Suu Kyi announced plans to
draw up a constitution during her first congress.
"An illegal regime passing laws to outlaw an elected party is
like handing out speeding fines at Le Mans," commented one
Western observer who recently returned from Rangoon. The NLD won
a landslide election in 1990 but the result was ignored.
Almost 300 of Suu Kyi's supporters and members of the NLD were
detained prior to last weekend's gathering, although it is believed that
half of them including some students have since been released.
Those released, however, remain under strict surveillance and
face rearrest. Popular comedian Thu Ya, better known by his
nickname Zargana (Tweezers), was said by dissident sources to
have been rearrested but this could not be confirmed.
One activist who was released last week said: "I am always being
followed. I don't feel secure."
Rangoon sources estimated that at least 40 followers of Suu Kyi,
including two aides, were still in Insein jail. In interviews
last week, Suu Kyi charged some of the delegates were released on
the condition they resign from the party.
Suu Kyi said that despite the crackdown her party remains well-
organised and united. While the Slorc has so far refrained from
taking any action against Suu Kyi's gatherings, it doesn't mean
that the junta's leaders will continue tolerating it, Slorc-watchers said.
"I will be very surprised if they don't launch a crackdown soon,"
said a Bangkok-based diplomat. She speculated that the Slorc leadership
is now discussing what steps to take nex. "There could some disagreements
among the leaders of Slorc, although they are certainly united when it comes
to destroying the NLD and Suu Kyi," she added.
On Monday, the Slorc-controlled press warned that restraint by
the government should not be mistaken for leniency.
A veteran journalist in Rangoon noticed that the junta seems to
be content for now merely keeping an eye on NLD members and Suu
Kyi supporters.
"Sooner or later they will take action," he added.
He believes that the international outcry over Slorc's recent
crackdown and Washington's decision to dispatch two envoys to the
region promoted Slorc to hold off on taking action last weekend.
Is the junta worried about the repercussions from US and
international condemnation?
"Burma's leaders remain confident," commented as Bangkok-based
diplomat. "They know Asean isn't going to rally behind Suu Kyi," he said.
A Burmese dissident and member of the All Burma Students'
Democratic Front said: "Asean represents not only government
officials, but also the 470 million people in Southeast Asia.
This regional grouping should show its support and solidarity
towards the people of Burma."
A Western diplomat predicted that a crackdown will be launched
even before Asean holds a meeting in July, which Burma is keen to
attend. The diplomat expressed concern over the fate of Suu Kyi
and the NLD's senior leaders.
The Slorc press has told Suu Kyi "to go home". Suu Kyi lived in
England for many years and is married to a Briton. Aung Naing Oo,
a leader of the ABSDF said some dissidents are speculating she
will be deported to London.
Having declared 1996 "Visit Myanmar Year", the junta must be
careful, however, about how it deals with the opposition. Troops
opening fire on democracy activists in the streets of Rangoon
wouldn't do much for the image of their country as a tourist destination.
Suu Kyi's stand over the last two weeks has reinforced her popularity in
the countryside. Sky-rocketing prices are another factor.
"You see some people are very rich, there is a huge gap. People
want change," said the Rangoon journalist. Analysts and activist
in Rangoon said no one but Suu Kyi can challenge the regime.
"Those who challenged the Slorc before were either cowed, killed
or imprisoned," one said. "Because of her unique position and
political background, the Slorc is reluctant to take strong
action against Suu Kyi." Suu Kyi's father was Gen Aung San, a
national hero and founder of the armed forces.
In an editorial, the New Delhi-based The Asian Age wrote: "Though
unarmed, she is the one who holds the advantage in the war of
nerves. This, an only this, is the fragile shield behind which thousands
of Myanmarese have taken cover in the unequal fight for democracy."
At last weekend's gathering, Suu Kyi told the crowd: "This is a
concrete demonstration of support for the NLD by the people. I
would like to thank all our supporters for their presence here."
Although Suu Kyi said she remained committed to bringing
democracy to Burma, she refrained from direct criticism of the
regime. "We never said a word to undermine the stability of the
state," Suu Kyi told the crowd, referring to the new laws.
Witnesses said that while the Slorc did not disrupt last
weekend's gathering, they noticed the absence of barricades and
traffic police, who previously helped ease human and vehicular
traffic on University Avenue.
Many see this as an omen, an indication that the junta is
preparing for a fresh crackdown.
To some Rangoon residents the situation is very similar to 1988
when troops withdrew from public and allowed anarchy to take over.
When the soldiers moved in to restore order thousands of pro-
democracy demonstrators were killed.
The military rulers have made it clear that they no longer want
to hear Suu Kyi's speeches. But Suu Kyi's supporters remained
undaunted, chanting "democracy will prevail." The junta has vowed
this will never happen. Democracy, and its supporters, according
to Slorc, are common enemies. (TN)
***********************************************
REUTER: SLORC ATTACKED THAI LAND
June 14, 1996
MAE SOT, Thailand, June 14 (Reuter) - Burmese troops and their allies
fired a dozen mortar bombs into a refugee camp on the Thai side of the
frontier, wounding three people and sending hundreds fleeing in panic, a Thai
army source said on Friday.
The attack on the Shokhlo refugee camp in northwestern Thailand, home to
some 7,000 Karen people from Burma, began late on Thursday and ceased after
Thai border security forces fired mortar rounds at the attackers.
The camp is only a couple of km (miles) from a border river.
The Thai army officer said the attack was carried out by Burmese troops
and their allies in the area, members of a Karen guerrilla splinter faction
that broke away from the anti-Rangoon Karen National Union guerrilla group.
Burmese authorities say Karen refugee camps in Thailand are centres of
support for the anti-Rangoon rebel force.
***********************************************************
REUTER: BEYOND CRACKDOWN
June 14, 1996 (abridged)
RANGOON, June 14 (Reuter) - Two more elected members of Aung San Suu
Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) have resigned bringing the total
number to leave the party in recent days to 10, Burma's state-run media
reported on Friday.
The media said the two, both of whom won seats in a May 1990 election,
had asked to step down, one for health reasons and the other because he no
longer wanted to be involved in party politics.
The country's official election commission, which organised the 1990
poll, agreed to their requests and let them resign as representatives-elect,
the media reported.
***********************************************************
FEER: FEAR OF LOATHING
Asean keeps soft line on Rangoon junta
June 20, 1996
By Rodney Tasker in Bangkok
As the military regime in Rangoon tightens the screws on
democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi, it is facing strong
condemnation from the US, European countries and Australia. But
Burma's Asian neighbours have been far more circumspect.
President Bill Clinton has dispatched two special envoys, William
Brown and Stanley Roth, to the region to drum up a campaign to
force the junta to go easy on Suu Kyi and her NLD party. But when
the envoys visited Japanese Foreign Minister Yukihiko Ikeda in
Tokyo on June 10, for instance, all he said was that Tokyo shared
Washington's desire to prevent the situation in Burma from
deteriorating. Roth and Brown were likely to receive similarly
disappointing platitudes in the rest of the region.
Asean's "constructive-engagement" policy towards Rangoon,
initiated by Thailand, is still in place. And Burma, together
with Laos and Cambodia, is poised to join Asean as a full member
of the regional grouping.
Suu Kyi, meanwhile, appeared to be thumbing her nose at the
junta. In late may she criticized its obstruction of moves
towards democracy in Burma before a crowd of 10,000 supporters
outside her Rangoon home. Some 260 NLD members had just been
detained by the military on the eve of a party congress at Suu
Kyi's home, where she had been under house detention until her
"release" in July 1995. Most of those detained had been
candidates in the 1990 general election. The NLD won a landslide
victory in the poll, but Slorc refused to relinquish power.
The NLD congress went ahead despite the detentions, and adopted a
resolution to draft an alternative constitution. This was seen as
a snub to a government-controlled national convention which is
drawing up a constitution that will ensure a political role for the military.
Then came another blast from Slorc. On June 7, Slorc chief Gen
Than Shwe issued an order empowering the government to ban any
organization obstructing development of a new constitution or
holding unlawful gatherings (no more than five people may gather
legally). Members would face five-to-20 year jail terms if found
guilty of "adversely affecting the national interest." Similar
jail terms were decreed for those deemed to be undermining state
stability.
Yet on June 8 and 9 several thousand supporters still gathered
outside Suu Kyi's house to hear her speak. She appeared to tone
down her rhetoric when she mentioned her party's political
programme. "We are not doing this to provoke the government; we
are doing this as it is our responsibility to the people," she said.
Suu Kyi may not have heard about remarks the previous day by
Singapore's elder statesman and senior minister, Lee Kuan Yew.
"If I were Aung San Suu Kyi I think I would rather be behind a
fence and be a symbol," instead of being an "impotent" government
leader, Lee told a group of foreign and local journalists in Singapore.
Lee added: "Asean cannot rescue Burma even if it wants to, and I
have the awful feeling rescuing Burma is beyond the capacity of
even the US." (FEER)
*****************************************************
REUTER: BURMA'S HEROIN PRODUCERS SAY PRODUCTION
WOULD STOP WITHIN 10 YEARS
June 14, 1996
RANGOON, June 14 (Reuter) - Leaders of Burma's main heroin producing
groups have promised the military government they will eradicate drugs from
their areas within 10 years, Burma's state-run media reported on Friday.
The media quoted Home Affairs Minister, Lieutenant-General Mya Thin, as
telling a Rangoon drug control meeting that ethnic minority leaders in the
Kokang and Wa regions of northeastern Burma's Shan state had promised to
wipe out the opium poppy.
The U.S. State Department's bureau for international narcotics and law
enforcement affairs said in a March report that the drug trade in Shan state
continued ``virtually unchecked.''
``Burmese authorities lack the resources, the ability or the will to take
action against ethnic drug trafficking groups with whom they have negotiated
ceasefires,'' the bureau said.
The Wa and Kokang areas on the border with southern China were for years
under the control of the Communist Party of Burma and its powerful guerrilla
army.
But the rank and file communist troops, most of them drawn from the
patchwork of Shan state's ethnic minorities including the Wa, mutinied
against their leaders in early 1989 and fragmented into several well-armed
factions.
The ruling military soon struck ceasefire deals with the factions,
allowing them to keep their arms and to operate with a degree of autonomy in
exchange for the truces.
``Groups known to be involved in the heroin trade, such as the United Wa
State Army and the Kokang militia, remain heavily armed and enjoy complete
autonomy in their base areas,'' the U.S. state department's bureau said in
its report.
``The Burmese government has either been unwilling or unable to get these
groups to reduce heroin trafficking or opium cultivation,'' it said.
Burma is the world's largest source of illegal opium with a an annual
crop of more than 2,000 tonnes, enough to produce more than 200 tonnes of
heroin.
Before his surrender in January, opium warlord Khun Sa, based in southern
Shan state, was estimated to be responsible for approximately half of Burma's
heroin output with the former communist groups responsible for most of the
remainder.
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MONLAND RESTORATION COUNCIL: PRESS RELEASE
June 7, 1996
We, members of the Monland Restoration Council, join the Democratic Burmese
Students Organization (USA) together with Free Burma Coalition (FBC) and
begin today our fast in front of the White House in Washington, D.C. to
protest against the SLORC's recent arrest of NLD's members and US
corporations doing business in Burma.
It is report that Burma's military regime known as the State Law and Order
Restoration Council (SLORC) recently arrested 256 members of the National
League for Democracy (NLD), a political party led by Aung San Suu Kyi, 1991
Nobel Peace Prize winner. In the May 1990 general election, NLD won a
landslide victory gaining over 80% the seats in the parliament. However, the
SLORC has refused to transfer political power to the people's
representatives. Various types of human rights violations, including forced
labor, forced relocation of villages, rapes, and tortures continue. The
SLORC is reported to be one of the world's most brutal military regimes.
Major US corporations such as TEXACO, ARCO,UNOCAL and Pepsi-Cola are
continuing to support Burma's regime by investing millions of dollars in
Burma. Texaco and other oil corporations provide one of the largest sources
of income for the SLORC. Texaco is drilling for gas in gulf of Martaban --
Yetagun field-- 260 miles south of the capital city of Rangoon; its
participation in this natural gas venture is supporting the SLORC to remain
in power and to continue oppressing the people of Burma.
The May 1990 general election has proved that we are a civilized nation
determined to leading ourselves into a free society. But Burma's military
regime is a giant obstacle on our way to our goal, democracy. Our nation has
suffered long enough under the rule of a military dictatorship. Time has
already come for the world's leading democracies to remove any form of
dictatorship from the earth.
We with great concerns for our nation urgently call for the United States
government to:
1. Introduce a proposal that will deny membership of Burma's military regime
at the United Nations until democracy is restored in Burma.
2. Impose a total economic sanction on Burma.
3. Urge Burma's military regime to begin negotiations with representatives of
the NLD and ethnic nationalities.
Central Committee
Pon Nya (Pon Nya Mon)
Chairman of Monland Restoration Council
P.O. Box 50108
Fort Wayne, IN 46805-0108
Tel: (219) 471-3961
E-mail:honsawatoi@xxxxxxx
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NCGUB: DAY OF SOLIDARITY
June 11, 1996
ACTION CALL! ACTION CALL! ACTION CALL! ACTION CALL!
The only reason that the military regime has not abolished the National
League for Democracy outright and arrested its leaders is because it fears
further international outcry which can withhold investment, loans and aid.
In light of these developments, the National Coalition Government of the
Union of Burma believes that if human rights and democracy are to be
restored in Burma, it is crucial for the International community to
continually express its iron-clad solidarity with Daw Aung San Suu
Kyi and the National League for Democracy and at the same time to
strongly condemn the ongoing repressive moves by the military regime.
With this objective in mind, the National Coalition
Government of the Union of Burma has designated June
19,1996 as the Action Day for Burma. The day also marks
the 51st birthday of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.
We call on Burmese communities, individuals and support
groups helping Burma, and people who wish to see justice
in Burma to hold commemorative activities on or around
June 19 to celebrate Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's 51st
birthday and to express their solidarity with the
democracy movement in Burma.
NATIONAL COALITION GOVERNMENT OF THE UNION OF BURMA
815 Fifteenth St NW, Suite 910, Washington DC 20005
Fax: (202) 393-7343 Tel:(202) 393-7342 (202)393-4312
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FBC: ACTIONS TO PROMOTE FREEDOM IN BURMA
June 14, 1996
zni@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx
SUGGESTIONS FOR DAW AUNG SAN SUU KYI'S BIRTHDAY
ON JUNE 19TH
1). Fax letters of support for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to the Burmese desks
at BBC and the Voice of America. In addition to simply saying you are in
solidarity with her wishing her 51st birthday, include two points the
following two points:
a) why you (and/or group) are engaged in boycott campaigns throughout the
world; and
b) why you think the people of Burma themselves should participate in
consumer boycott of foreign goods and services imported from companies and
countries that do business with Burma's oppressors, Slorc.
BBC Burmese desk:
011-44-171-836-9466 (Attn: U Than Lwin Htun or Daw Yin Yin May)
011-1-202-619-1840 (Attn: U Khin Maung Htay)
2) Address her, not just as leading activist or democracy advocate, but as
Burma's sole legitimate leader who enjoys popular support of a great
majority Burmese people.
3) Fax those letters to Slorc embassy in the country where you live. Also
fax copies of the statement to embassies from ASEAN nations and Japan,
specifically targetting governments frm Indonesia, Malaysia,the
Phillipines, and Thailand. A perhaps brief cover letter will be of use
expressing that you find utterly repugnant their position on "constructive
engagement" and hands-off approach to Aung San Suu Kyi's extraordinary
struggle to bring peace and freedom to Burma. If you are in one of the
ASEAN countries, please fax or mail it to the head of state.
4) If you are part of a given religious community, say a few words about
Aung San Suu Kyi and her struggle adherence to non-violence principles in
Burma's quest for freedom.
5) If you are artistic and literary-minded, you acn come up with a zillion
creative things: composing a song, writing a poem, an essay, letter to the
editor,or opinion editorial pieces, and drawing a portrait. And letting
us know that you have created something out of your desire to help fight
Burma's struggle. This will allow us to write up a newsworthy story.
6) If you are a teacher, you can spend a few minutes on Aung San Suu Kyi
and familiarize your students with her incredible efforts to restore
freedom and peace in Burma.
7) Fax a copy of the statement/letter to Massachusetts Governor Weld who
will make decision very soon RE: enactment of the world's first statewide
economic sanctions bill ((H2833).
Governor William Weld
State House, Commonwealth of Massachusetts
Boston, MA 02133-1053
(617) 727-3600 phone (617) 727-9731 NEW working fax number
(617) 727-9725 old soon to be repaired fax number
Send a copy to:
Julia Carpenter, Issues Director
Citizens for Participation in Political Action (CPPAX)
25 West Street, Boston, MA 02111
(617) 426 3040 (617) 338 3075 fax cppax@xxxxxxx
8) Simply call your local media (call foreign news desk) and ask if they
are doing anything on Aung San Suu Kyi's birthday. If they have no plans
to publish anything, urge them to do a piece on her. You can offer your
expertise on Burma and her struggle if they so desire.
People of Burma really need your support in their darkest moments under
thuggish Slorc generals. Your letters will go a long way in helping them
persevere in their struggle.
The Free Burma Coalition
University of Wisconsin
225 North Mills Street, Madison, WI 53706
Tel: (608)-256-6572 Fax: (608)-263-9992
http://danenet.wicip.org/fbc/freeburma.html
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