Selected articles from Burma Issues

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Subject: Selected articles from Burma Issues, February 1996 Burma Issues PO Box 1076 Silom Post Office Bangkok 10504

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WOMEN AND EQUALITY

WOMEN,  RAPE AND REFUGEE  STATUS

The women in Burma who have been victims of systematic
persecution by the ruling military, which has used rape as a
weapon of and fostered the intermarriage of Burmese men with
ethnic minority women in pursuit of their policy of
Burmanisation of the popular may take heart from the recent
UNHCR declaration that women who have 'been raped,
suffered sexual violence or fear female circumcision are
entitled to refugee status if they leave their country.' UNHCR
further stated that such women are not a threat - they are
themselves threatened - and humanity dictates that they receive
protection and refugee status.' The UNHCR wants
governments to interpret the 1951 Refugee Convention to
include sexual violence among the grounds for justifying an
applicant's 'well - founded fear of persecution.' UNHCR is
presently addressing the question of changes to the interview
system and an increased sensitivity on the interviewer's part, to
ensure the women's voices are heard.


THE REALITY AND THE RHETORIC

by K.R.

In their national report to the UN 4th World Conference on
Women in Beijing, the SLORC referred (rather too often) to
the equality that women enjoy alongside men in Burma -
"Women are accorded equal rights with men" we are told, and
a glowing picture is presented of women enjoying equal rights
to health care, education, participation in the workforce and so
on. Indeed the SLORC were so determined to make this point
that they sent to Beijing a male - led delegation of SLORC
representatives with strict instructions to quash any rumours to
the contrary.

Historically, Burmese women have participated socially and
politically and have not experienced the extremes of
discrimination faced by women of many other nations. In their
report to Beijing, the SLORC had to dig deep into that history
for their examples to demonstrate this equality.

Since 1962, the role of women in mainstream Burmese society
has been gradually eroded. This has occurred for two
fundamental reasons. The first is that military dictatorships are
not known for their inclusiveness of women or for their
promotion of values which most societies, and certainly
Burmese society, associate with women - those of nurturing,
emotional strength and a sense of care.

The second reason is that in a country ravaged by war,
everyone's role changes. Men go off to fight, families may
move, lives are disrupted. The consequences of the disruption
are enormous for women whose major social role has been to
care for children and other family members. In Burma, women
have taken on so much more than before and the burden of
caring for others is made infinitely more difficult when food is
scarce, children are distraught and the women themselves are
afraid. For no group is this more true than for women of the
rural ethnic minorities of Burma. Add to the list of burdens the
loss of loved ones, forced relocations, forced labour, fear of
rape and the possibility of starvation, and you have a stark
picture of the lives of many Burmese women. Many women
have lived for years in this way as well as struggling to
participate in the workforce, often for very long hours in the
fields. The sense of equality they share with their menfolk is
their fear and their despair which are such personal,
immeasurable things in any case.

Where women have exercised their rights and their equality to
a greater degree has been within the democratic movement
itself. This movement is rightly proud of the women who dem-
onstrated, fought and gave their lives to the struggle for
democracy. Women are and certainly were until 1988, well
represented within the democratic movement, not the least
example being Aung San Suu Kyi. The nature of democracy is
more conducive to women's participation than military
dictatorships after all.

Even within a movement committed to equality, the
experiences of men and women differ greatly. This is all the
more true when lives are ripped apart by violent realities. The
women of Burma, especially those of the ethnic minorities, are
less educated, less healthy, with less access to resources both
modem and traditional than in the past, because of the realities
which face them after years of fighting for their very survival.
They are therefore more vulnerable - physically and
emotionally. To acknowledge this vulnerability is more
important than quoting nice lines about equality. For these
women, where there is equality it is at a philosophical level
rather than in reality. The realities for the rural ethnic minority
women of Burma make talk of equality nothing more than a
dream.

The Burmese Women's Union was formed in January 1995 as
a voice for Burmese women in the international arena. Its aims
and objectives are as follows:

1. To promote the role of Burmese women in politics.
2. To practice women's rights to the standard recognised by the
international community and to promote those rights in
Burmese society.
3. To advance the physical and intellectual capabilities of
women so that they can support and assist in the emergence of
a modern, advanced, peaceful and democratic Union in Burma.

The organisation is made up of women from all ethnic
backgrounds and religions. The dialogue of equality is
virtuous but it sometimes means that the specific problems
faced by women are not addressed. The Burmese Women's
Union acknowledges that in times of conflict, women face their
own trials and need a voice to represent them, but also that
women are able to play a crucial role in transforming society.
What follows is from the statement of the Burmese Women's
Union to the Briefing on Burma in New York. December
1995.

"Poverty, unequal access to education, health care and
economic opportunities, and inequality in the decision -
making process at the political and policy - making level, are
some of the many problems and barriers that many women in
the world face today. While we join in solidarity with the
women from across the world who are fighting for women's
rights, the voices and struggles of Burmese women continue to
be unheard in the international arena. So this forum is indeed a
great occasion, an opportunity for Burmese women to speak
out and share with you our concerns and our goals, and to seek
your guidance.

At the women's conference in Beijing, the head delegate of
SLORC stated in his speech that there was no  discrimination
against Burmese women, as they are treated equally to their
fellow Burmese men. We agree. The Burmese women are
equally subjected to summary executions, torture, arbitrary
arrest, forced labour, forced portering, denial of participation
in the political process, religious persecution and forced
relocation. In addition we, the Burmese women, receive unique
treatment from SLORC. We are raped during military
offensives and portering, and trafficked into prostitution.

The Burmese Women's Union recognises that the pursuit of
equality and freedom for Burmese women is inextricably
intertwined with the ongoing struggle for democracy and peace
in Burma. Burmese women are at the forefront of this political
struggle as eminently illustrated by the leadership and vision of
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, whose courage and unwavering
commitment to human rights and non - violence are an
inspiration to women throughout the world. As she said in the
opening speech to the NGO forum, "It is the women and
children who have always suffered most in situations of
conflict. 

Today, violence against women and girls is pervasive under
the command of SLORC. Rape is systematically used during
military offensives against ethnic nationalities and democratic
forces. Women are also forced to serve as human mine
sweepers and to carry arms and ammunition for the army. The
military supports and propels the thriving trafficking routes by
which girls and women are sold into the brothels of Thailand.

Women also bear the brunt of SLORC's policies of forced
relocation, where families are expelled from their homes to
satellite towns which lack electricity, clean water and access to
transportation. Being the primary caretakers of families,
women face great difficulties in meeting the most basic needs
for the family. It is the women who have suffered the harshest
consequences of social and economic collapse.

In preparation for the 1996 "Visit Myanmar Year", many
women, some of whom are pregnant, are among hundreds of
thousands of people being forced to work as slave labourers in
beautification projects as well as in the construction of
railways, roads, bridges and airports.

The rights of Burmese women, at the border areas and inside
the country, are being violated. We have to endure harsh
conditions and violence. However we are also agents of change
and play an important role in building a future democratic
Burma. That is why the BMU was founded.

It is our belief that we need to pursue the struggle towards the
liberation of our country from SLORC's iron fist and to put in
its place a government which is premised on peace, human
rights, economic and social justice. We also believe that the
struggle for women's empowerment and women's rights is
complementary to this struggle.

We urge the international community to call upon SLORC:

* to take immediate steps to comply with the UN Commission
on Human Rights' resolution of March 8, 1995 and the UN
General Assembly's resolution of 2nd December, 1994, espe-
cially "to put an end to torture, abuse of women and forced
labour, to enforced displacements of the population and to
enforced disappearances and summary execution" and "to al-
low all citizens to participate freely in the political process."

We urge the international community to refrain from
improving relations with SLORC and:

* to stop foreign investment, and boycott companies which are
exploiting this situation

* under no circumstances should the World Bank,
International Monetary Fund or Burma's key donors resume
bilateral or multilateral economic assistance, including debt
relief.

* to boycott the "Visit Myanmar Year 1996" campaign by the
SLORC to earn foreign exchange.

We call upon women from all over the world to join us in our
struggle to end violence against Burmese girls and women, and
to promote social changes in Burma that value human rights
and women's rights."

Source:
Burmese Women's Organisation


NEW LIGHT

SEEING THE NEW LIGHT?

by Emma

For several months now, Emma has been monitoring the
Burmese military's daily English - language newspaper, The
New Light of Myanmar. All newspapers in Burma are military
owned, and thus all news information to the people is carefully
controlled.  In the following article, Emma reflects on her
experience with SLORC - controlled news, and concludes that
few people in Burma probably take very seriously the "news"
as it is fed to them each day

In The New Light of Myanmar, the faces in the pictures are
remarkably content. Dinners, hotel openings and pagoda
renovations are the main events in the capital. A few rebels are
recorded as drifting back to the legal fold, but, as 14 of the 15
armed groups in the country have realised the genuine
goodwill of SLORC and already embraced them with open
arms, there is not much to report. Peace reigns as never before.

New Light articles have a familiar formula to them and the
make - up of the paper is similarly consistent. Pages 1, 5 - 7,
and 12, are always reserved for home news; the rest is straight
off the wire, albeit of a strange selection. Stories of rebel cease
fires, CIA corruption rings and assassination plots abound -
compared to Myanmar, the world must be a turbulent place.
Fortunately the home news is always reassuring. The first page
frequently hails the achievements of a general, such as an
expensive dinner or a horticultural show opening. Recently
mass rallies all over the country have hailed the National
Convention, notably attended by hundreds of thousands of
peaceful Myanmar citizens.

But however one scours the paper for interesting news, one is
always disappointed. The only thing usually of note is that
slogans were chanted and the mass was thus made accessible to
the message.

Occasionally there are articles which tax the imagination. In
these Aung San Suu Kyi, the CIA, Madeleine Albright, the
Judsons and various Burma NGOs all make an appearance,
but in such strange dress as to be almost unrecognisable. Aung
San Suu Kyi, for example, is the Little Girl -- or the Western
Mum -- whose relatives are entrepreneurial colonials given to
spreading malicious rumours about the problems in Myanmar. 
If she wasn't causing so much trouble, one article says, she
would already have been graced with the presence of Than
Shwe. But her wise counselors continue to lead her down the
wrong path. Perhaps she is so gullible because her marriage (to
the foreigner with the big nose) has caused her veins to fill with
alien blood.

Meanwhile, the people of Myanmar are told to beware. The
records show that there was and still is a foreign hand behind
the unrest and instability this nation has known. Youths must
defend against a cultural invasion. 

Turn the page from the diatribe against aliens and there will
invariably be a panegyric for those generous donors of aid and
contributors of currency -- foreign of course. So who actually
reads this and believes it? Who does this make sense to? Why
do they write it?

I am a foreigner myself and I don't live in the Burma SLORC
pretends doesn't exist. But it seems to me SLORC needs to say
there is peace - perhaps if they say it enough it will come. Or
perhaps, if they say it enough, investors like Total and Unocal
will have an excuse for believing it. They certainly need one.

In a country where reality is created by the SLORC, perhaps
they feel people need to be told what's what. You should not
believe everything you see, but you should believe everything
you read. After all, how are you supposed to know what the
party line is if no one tells you? And just reading the
propaganda demands a comprehensive understanding of
SLORC's world view. It's practice in understanding exactly
how SLORC thinks.

As for the question of who believes it all, perhaps the answer is
that no - one does. But just as there is no possibility of dissent
in Myanmar, there is no possibility of disbelief: its conse-
quences are fatal. That the New Light threatens annihilation of
critics is clear enough.

What is clearer after seeing things in a New Light is that
Myanmar is not the  same as Burma. Myanmar is Burma as
SLORC would like it to be; almost devoid of life, liberty and
healthy political dialogue. It's a formula, not a real country.
Unfortunately for tourists, Myanmar doesn't exist yet. The
latest reports tells us SLORC soldiers are committing atrocities
on the borders and almost all large development projects are
being completed with forced labor. Educated professionals are
being impoverished by skyrocketing prices and your moneys
worth ten times more on the black market than on SLORC
exchange. One should wait until the real Burma is given a new
lease of life until buying a ticket to Rangoon. As a favorite
New Light of Myanmar saying goes, a pleasant home draws
guests. Making ones home pleasant is the first task to be done.

LAND MINES

A LAND MINE VICTIM --  Soe K. N.'s STORY

by Alice

'How can I run like before? I have only one leg.'

Soe K. N., aged 10 years, arrived with all his family - his
parents, two brothers and one sister - in one of the border
camps on the 12th of February 1996. He was the first child
land - mine victim - in that camp - for 1996.

Soe lost his left leg, below the knee, in the first week of
January 1996. On a fishing expedition, with his grandfather, to
check if there were fish in a local waterway, on the Karen side
of the border, he stepped on a landmine set on the walking
path. Two weeks earlier, SLORC troops had come into the
village and warned the villagers not to go into that area, but
did not say why.

He remembers falling down, then going up in the air. His
grandfather took him to the village, then straight to Mae Sot
hospital. While conscious for much of the journey, he lost
consciousness before entry to hospital, where he remained
unconscious for three days in the intensive care unit, receiving
a blood transfusion, as he had lost so much blood. Part of his
leg was still attached and later amputated in hospital. His right
leg remains severely scarred and he feels numb from his right
knee up to his head, which continually aches. While still in
pain, Soe's fever has abated and he is able to receive his
painkilling treatment from the camp clinic. The wound
remains uninfected.

He has just begun to use his crutches, but cannot go far, as he
tires very quickly. As yet, there are no plans to obtain a
prosthesis and he may wait until he matures more before
getting one. His mother supports him as he walks or carries
him on her back.

Due to disruptions within his village, Soe K. N. only
completed the second standard at school. He will join the camp
school when he is feeling stronger and his head stops aching.
The other children in the camp do not tease him for having
only one leg, as they understand what has happened.

Just after his release from hospital, Soe K. N. asked his mother
if there was anyone else like him? Was there anyone else with
only one leg? There was. An older man in that camp had lost a
leg when a grenade was thrown into his village across the
Karen border. One of the shells 'bumped my leg'. Knowing that
there are other people in his situation makes Soe feel better. 'I
am not alone'.

He isn't. Camp sources said that there were 3 or 4 boys, in the
same camp in 1995, who were victims of landmines. In
Burma, forced labourers, chopping wood and bamboo are
regular victims of landmines. People in the camp said that the
placement of landmines was another reason they feared to
return home.

Soe K. N. said that sometimes he feels 'very cross' because he
cannot do the things he used to do. He has retained his sense of
humour. Posing for photographs, he was asked to stop smiling
and pose for a 'serious' shot. 'How can I stop smiling, with you
smiling at me? was the grinning reply.

Source:
Personal Interview. 950212


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