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BurmaNet News January 4, 1996 #314

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The BurmaNet News: January 4, 1996
Issue #314


WITHOUT A BATTLE         January 2, 1996

BANGKOK, Jan 2 (Reuter) - About 1,500 Burmese troops have taken over the
jungle headquarters of drug warlord Khun Sa in the opium growing Golden
Triangle region, civilian sources in the town said on Tuesday.
Sources in Khun Sa's hilly stronghold of Ho Mong on the edge of Burma's
eastern Shan State, about 30 kms (19 miles) from the Thai border, told
Reuters by telephone that Burmese troops met no resistance when they entered
Ho Mong on Monday morning.
"Thousands of Burmese soldiers were trucked into the town since Monday
morning," Khun Kya Oo, a senior official of Khun Sa's Mong Tai Army (MTA)
living in northern Thailand said.
A source in Ho Mong said more armed Burmese troops kept moving into the town
on Tuesday.
"(Burmese troops) are being deployed at camps where MTA soldiers used to
live but they do not disturb villagers," a civilian source said.
The sources said it was unclear if Khun Sa and his senior officers were
still in Ho Mong.

December 31, 1995  By Sutin Wannabovorn

BANGKOK, Dec 31 (Reuter) - Troops loyal to opium warlord Khun Sa have handed
their sworn enemies, Burmese government forces, a strategic pass on the Thai
border in a new twist in the Golden Triangle region, Thai police said on Sunday.
More than 1,000 Burmese troops marched into the Doi Lang, a trade gateway on
the border of northeastern Burma's Shan state and Thailand last Friday.
"The Khun Sa camp leader greeted Burmese troops at the foot of the mountain,
led them up the to the top and handed them the camp," a Thai Border Patrol
Police officer told Reuters.
Khun Sa's Mong Tai Army (MTA) has battled rivals for years to keep a firm
grip on the mountain base. Burmese leaders have in the past vowed to crush
Khun Sa and his guerrilla force.
The powerful MTA had a major setback in June when several thousand fighters
broke away, accusing Khun Sa of caring more about the opium business than
the Shan independence struggle.
In November Khun Sa officially stepped down as leader of the MTA, saying he
had lost heart after the defection.
It was not immediately clear if the surrender of Doi Lang had been ordered
by MTA headquarters or was decided by the local MTA commander, the Thai
officer said.
The handover of the mountaintop base came as a surprise to one officer in
Khun Sa's guerrilla army, based on a different section of the border.
"I've heard that the Burmese have entered Doi Lang but I don't have any
details," the MTA officer told Reuters.
Khun Sa's rivals, from the powerful Wa guerrilla army, who have been
fighting the MTA in the area for years, were also puzzled by the move.
An official from the Wa group, allied to the Burmese government army since a
1989 ceasefire, said the Burmese sent a radio message to them on Saturday
asking the Wa to stop attacking the Doi Lang area.
"We were very surprised by the sudden change. Our commanders agreed to stop
operations against Doi Lang for the time being but we'll continue to fight
the MTA in other places," the Wa official said.
"The MTA are on the run. We've captured a lot of their outposts in the past
weeks. We'll continue to drive them out even if the Burmese have stopped
fighting them," he said.
The Wa army and Khun Sa's force are the two main factions blamed for a flood
of heroin from Burma's Shan state.


January 3, 1996

        A cease-fire agreement between Khun Sas MTA and Slorc was reached
on December 29, 1995.  After the agreement, three Slorcs battalions led by
three Burmese colonels arrived Ho Mong the headquarters of Khun Sas MTA,
on the edge of Burmas eastern Shan State.
        There was a referendum in MTA deciding whether to stand as the
regional defense troop under Slorc on December 22, 1995. After getting 88
per cent vote of yes to stand as the regional defense troop under Slorc,
MTA decided to sign a cease-fire agreement with Slorc. According the
reliable sources of MTA, a delegation led by Sai Khun Sel, one of the
assistants and uncle of Khun Sa went to Rangoon during the second week of
December and is still in Rangoon. In addition to the three Slorc battalions, 
seven more battalions of Slorc are stationing on strategic Naung Oak- Doi Lan 
mountain range, about 150 kilometers north-east of Mae Hong Son.
        There some ranks and files in MTA reportedly against the
cease-fire agreement.  The mutiny was broke out on June 7, 1995 and Khun
Sa suffered a serious setback when several thousands troops led by Sai Kan
Yuok, a young Shan nationalist.  Later the breakaway group founded Shan
State National Army (SSNA) and reached an agreement with Slorc. Slorc
repeatedly said to the international community that they would never
accept Khun Sas MTA as a ethnic armed groups.



December 16, 1995

	In the beginning of this year, I was teaching in a small, relatively
 unknown refugee camp called Don Pa Kiang, or Quaybow.  This camp is
 approximately 10 KM  north of Quaykolok, about 1 KM from the border.  During 
the attacks in April/May, when other refugee camps were being burned down, this
 camp was undisturbed.  Although the refugees felt threatened, this camp was
 never threatened to be burned down until a few weeks ago. A friend in the camp 
has informed me that on 22 Nov. at about 6:30 PM  the DKBA came to the camp. 
There were about 16 DKBA with one member of SLORC. They went directly to the
camp leader's house and asked Permission to burn the camp.  The camp leader
begged them not to burn the camp saying that it would make it difficult for the
villagers. The intruders told the camp leader that they all have to go back to
Burma.  The camp leader told them that when the situation in Burma is quiet
they will all return as soon as possible. After a few hours they left without 
doing anything. 

I just wanted people to know that previously unthreatened refugees are now
being threatened by the DKBA WITH SLORC soldiers. Since the end of the rainy
 season  refugees have been threatened again but I had not heard of the threat
of burning camps again so I thought it would be good to put this out on the


by Christina Fink
January 4, 1996

	"I have dug a trench under my house for my family to hide in," said
Ee-noh, a Karen refugee living in Mae La camp.  He is not the only one
who is scared.  Since the end of the rainy season, DKBA attacks along the 
Thai-Burma border have begun again, and residents of all refugee camps in 
the Mae Sot area are living in fear.  
	The DKBA, or Democratic Kayin Buddhist Army, consists of 
former Karen National Liberation Army soldiers and Karen villagers recruited
by the SLORC.  The State Law and Order Restoration Council provides the
DKBA with weapons, uniforms, and rations.  In return, the DKBA is expected
to destroy the links between Karen civilians and the Karen National Union.
	The DKBA was instrumental in the fall of Manerplaw last December.
Because they knew all the trails in the area, they could easily guide the
SLORC troops into the KNU headquarters.  
	In some areas of Karen state, they have also been able to cut KNLA 
soldiers off from Karen villagers.  In the past, Karen villagers routinely provided 
food to KNLA soldiers as well as information about SLORC troop movements.  
Long familiar with the area, the DKBA know who the informers are and how 
Karen intelligence gathering works.  Villagers now no longer dare communicate 
with or support the KNLA.
	But the DKBA do not only operate in Burma.  During the last dry season, 
the DKBA crossed into Thai soil repeatedly, looting and burning down Karen 
refugee camps.  SLORC troops do not accompany them into the camps but in
at least one instance they shelled with heavy mortars from the other side.
In the last month, the DKBA have entered Thailand no less than ten times.  
	On December 3, a group of eight armed DKBA soldiers entered Shoklo
camp and murdered a Karen pastor and kidnapped three men.  More attacks
are anticipated, and the Medicins Sans Frontiers medical staff no longer dares to
sleep in the camp.
	The SLORC has promised the DKBA that they will be given authority
over Karen State if they can bring the refugees back.  Last winter the DKBA 
attempted to persuade refugees to return.  Some family members did move back to
Burma, but the vast majority stayed and new refugees continued to come out.  
The DKBA then resorted to force to try to scare the refugees into going back
or to make so much trouble along the border that the Thai authorities would
repatriate the refugees.
	According to one teacher in Mae La camp, "the SLORC supports
the DKBA to come over and make problems so that the Thai government
will send us back to our country."
	But the DKBA has not limited its attacks only to the refugee camps.
They have also been robbing and killing Thais in the area.  Since November,
four incidents have occurred on the Mae Sot-Mae Sariang highway and 
two in Pop Phra district south of Mae Sot.  Six Thais have been killed, 
including a Border Patrol Police officer and three children.
	While the DKBA may not be receiving direct orders to attack Thais,
the SLORC is not discouraging them either.  As one Mae La camp resident 
noted, "they are free to kill and rape whoever they want, there is no penalty 
for them."
	However, it is possible that attacks on the Thais involve more than 
just greed or revenge.  After several of the attacks, the DKBA have left brand 
new KNU uniforms hanging near the scene of the crime.  According to Saw Law 
Ti, the camp leader at Mae La, the point is to confuse the Thais about who is 
behind these incidents and to make them turn against all Karen, including the 
	If this is the strategy, it seems to be working.  At the funeral of the
Border Patrol Police officer who was killed recently by DKBA, one woman 
stated angrily, "it's as if we are becoming a colony under Karen rule."
	Yud, a passenger-truck driver on the Mae Sot-Mae Sariang Road,
said that if the violence continues he thinks the refugees will be sent back.  
If it is peaceful, they will be allowed to stay.
	Delegates of the KNU are currently engaging in ceasefire negotiatons 
with the SLORC in Moulmein.  If a ceasefire agreement is reached, the Karen 
refugees would be repatriated.  
	There is no guarantee, however, that attacks on Thais would stop.  
In the government-run newspaper, the New Light of Myanmar, the SLORC 
has justified its continued arms build-up and increase in troop strength by 
saying that they cannot trust the Thais.  Provoking incidents along the 
Thai-Burma border may be a way to continue to justify the size of the Burmese 
	When the KNU controlled the long stretch of territory on the Burmese
side of the border, the Thais did not have to station any troops in the area.  
According to Yud, the passenger-truck driver, "before the Karen split there were 
never any problems along the border." 
	It is highly unlikely that the KNU will ever regain control of the border
area.  At the same time, Thai forces cannot possibly defend all points along the 
rugged, mountainous border. 
	The SLORC has insisted that the DKBA troops do not belong to them,
so they cannot be held responsible for the DKBA's actions.  According to KNU
sources, some DKBA troops are operating independently, but they are not 
the troops who have entered into Thailand.  
	The SLORC's willingness to allow the DKBA to kill Thai civilians does 
not bode well for the future.  Even if the KNU and the SLORC do sign a ceasefire, 
real peace along the Thai-Burma border may still be a long way away.  


Date: 31 Dec 1995          From: kyaw@xxxxxxxxxx

After the arrest of U Sein Hla Aung on 16 December 1995, another video 
tape renter was arrested by the SLORC with the same allegation that the 
victim has handed over the video tapes of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's speech, 
delivered on every Saturday and Sunday, to the other people.  He is also accused 
of  violating the video act. His name was Zaw Zaw Myaing, age 30 years, who is 
living at Myet Par Quarter, Shwe Chi Htoe of Mandalay downtown. The remand 
of both U Sein Hla Aung and Zaw Zaw Myaing is 11 January 1996.

Human Rights Documentation Unit, NCGUB


INDEPENDENCE DAY January 4, 1996

January 4, 1996 is a very special day in Burma as it is the 48th
Anniversary of the Burma's Independence. 

Burma gained her independence after almost a century of British
colonial rule due to the unwavering efforts of the entire people
of Burma and the solidarity of all its ethnic groups.

Since then the People of Burma rather, than enjoying their
freedom, have became hostages to successive military
dictatorships including the SLORC. General Aung San, our beloved
leader and father of Burma's Independence, was assassinated less
than six months prior to independence. Civil war broke out only
months after the independence. The descent into civil war
favoured the emergence of military domination and firmly rooted
military dictatorialism in Burma. 

Under the successive military dictatorships, democratic rights,
basic human rights and the rights of the entire people of Burma
have been neglected and economic, social and educational sectors
have deteriorated. Consequently Burma has reached the lowest
status in the international community. The people of Burma have
been struggling against the military dictatorship since its

Today's military junta, the SLORC, is claiming that the
insurgencies which began with our independence are now coming to
a close, and Burma is  progressing towards an open-market economy
which will lead Burma towards democracy. In reality, it is
forcing, with its military power, the ethnic people to reach
ceased fire agreements without solving the underlying political
problems and it is selling off the resources of Burma in order to
strengthen its own hold on power. More than 60% of the national
budget is used by the military to suppress the people of Burma.
None of the groups which have reached cease-fire agreements with
the SLORC are satisfied with the status quo as no further
positive political settlement is in sight. Many promises have
been broken leading to the violation of the agreement in Karenni
State and subsequent offensives against the Karenni people. The
situation of the entire population is much worse than before

The SLORC, which took power through a bloody crackdown on
peaceful demonstrators in 1988  is the most brutal regime in
Southeast Asia, with a notorious record of human rights
abuses. The SLORC blatantly refused to honour the 1990 election
results even though they had promised several times in the time
prior to the elections that the military would transfer power to
the elected representatives and return to the barracks. The SLORC
continues its brutal suppression on the pro-democratic opposition
groups and misleads the international community with cosmetic
changes and propaganda. 
At present, the SLORC is attempting to continue the highly
orchestrated National Convention which will guarantee the
military a leading role in the future politics of Burma very much
against the wishes of the people of Burma. 

ABSDF believes that now is the critical time for the SLORC, if it
is sincere, to attempt to address the political problems in Burma
in order to achieve national reconciliation and lasting peace
which will lead Burma to a development, democracy and prosperity. 

The ABSDF reaffirms that it will continue to fight against the
SLORC, to topple the military dictatorship and to restore
democracy and human rights and establish a genuine federal union
within Burma.

The ABSDF demands the SLORC to:

     Unconditionally release student leader Min Ko Naing and all
     political prisoners.
     Dialogue with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and ethnic leaders in
     order to bring national reconciliation, democracy and
     lasting peace to Burma.
     Cancel all unjust laws, 
     Abolish the Sham National Convention.

We ask Burmese Army officers and ordinary soldiers to go back to
their military duties and restore the dignity of the Army that
existed once under the leadership of General Aung San.

We call on the all democracy loving people, both inside and
outside of Burma, to continue their relentless efforts and great
struggle for the restoration of Democracy in Burma.

We urge the international community to exert more pressure on the
SLORC by way of a world wide arms embargo and economic sanctions
until the restoration of democracy and human rights in Burma has
been achieved.

Central Leading Committee, ABSDF
88 camps


January 1, 1995

January 4, 1995 is the 48th anniversary auspicious occasion of the 
Independence Day in Burma which marks the Burmese liberation from the 

Over a hundred year under the British colony, Burmese people have 
sacrificed countless lives, sweat and blood for the independence of their 
mother-land. Apparently, three generations of Burmese people had to fight 
for the inspiration of independence.

As a result of their striving for liberation, Burma became an independent 
nation and awarded  its own sovereignty. Unfortunately, the civil war was 
taken place along together with the independence in Burma. As well as 
national union among the nationalities in Burma was broken as a result of 
civil war in Burma.

Civil war after the newly-born independence paved the way for some 
opportunities to the military dictatorship in Burma. The intensification 
of civil war was the reason for the military to extend their military 
might and later this become the firm foundation for consolidation of 
military dictatorship in Burma. That is the system that have been still 
suppressing its own people as the slaves.

It is a true fact that Burma has liberated from the foreign colonization 
but unfortunately, it is still under the suppression of the misrule by 
its same people. Because of the Slorc's dictatorial oppression against 
its own people, there are lack of democracy and human rights.The struggle 
to achieve these principles has become the national cause. Burmese people 
understand well that without the abolishment of military dictatorship, it 
would be impossible to achieve these principles.

Struggle against the military dictatorship in Burma is the historic 
responsibility for all citizens of Burma. It can also be recognized as 
the second struggle for national liberation. 

It is a grieved circumstances for a country like Burma which is 
sovereignty nation with high rich natural resources has been designated 
as the one of the least developed country in the world for the misrule by 
its military dictatorship. All the social, economic and political 
situation as well as the dignity of the Burmese people are deteriorating.

The ruling military regime, Slorc is playing a political game with 
"cease-fire policy" aiming to disarm the ethnic groups and suppressing 
the opposition forces strategically in order to consolidate their 
military rule. Genuine internal peace cannot attained by merely doing 
cease-fire agreement. It can be reached until and unless the political 
dilemmas are solved with sincerity and openness. At the same time, the 
will of Burmese people to establish the civilian government will be still 
far away as long as the military domination theory is alive. The Slorc is 
ignoring the result of 1990 election and is forcibly organising the 
so-called "National Convention" to consolidate their military power in 
the future politics. "National Convention" merely organized by Slorc is 
lack of genuine goodwill and lack of nobility. In addition, it dose not 
symbolize as the national representation. We, the ABSDF strongly believes 
that "National Convention" could not achieve to emerge the genuine 
national unity and solidarity in Burma.

Genuine national solidarity can be dignified when democracy and human 
rights are prevail and the full ethnic rights are honoured.

The ABSDF will forge ahead to oppose the on-going sham "National 
Convention". This is a crucial time for the people of Burma to oppose the 
sham "National Convention" which is aiming for Slorc's power consolidation.

People of Burma must understand their plight as the military slavery 
under the Slorc regime though Burma has gained independence from the 

We, the ABSDF strongly urges the people of Burma, with consistent unity 
in the struggle for democracy in Burma, to fight against the military 
dictatorship in order to achieve the genuine liberation and independence.

Central Committee
ABSDF (Dawn Gwin)

January 1 , 1996.    


December 28, 1995

	India and Myanmar have agreed to cooperate in coping with 
" negative elements"  operating along the 1,600 km long border. The Myanmar
 authorities have also agreed to take "all possible and practical measures" to 
"curb and control the activities" of insurgent groups operating in India, who 
now occasionally find haven on the other side.
	This was decided during the annual national level talks between the 
two countries in Yangoon between December 22 and December 25. The Indian 
side was led by Mr. K. Padmanabhaiah, the Union Home Secretary while the 
Myanmar delegation was led by the Myanmar Deputy Minister for Home 
	These annual talks are a forum for the officials of the two countries 
to sort out problems arising from the management of the long border. "Negative
 elements" like armed insurgent groups, narco-traffickers, smugglers, arms dealers
 operate with certain impunity in the area.. The security forces of the two 
countries have often worked at cross purposes making difficult the task of 
nabbing these "negative elements." There is also scope for considerable 
misunderstanding among the security forces on both sides of the border.
 Hence the need for continuous dialogue for institutionalization of the highest 
level of decision-making.
	The talks this year decided to expand the scope far beyond the 
maintenance of "peace and tranquillity"; it was agreed to promote positive 
activities like border trade, cultural exchange, sports events. Both sides agreed 
to carry out site inspection in mid-January for construction of bridge on 
Tiau River along Mizoram sector of Indo-Myanmar border. The technical 
experts from both sides would meet shortly to study requirement of
 infrastructure, tariff and other technical details for power supply to Tamu 
township ( in Myanmar ) from Moreh, on the Indian side.


January 2, 1996

The National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma (NCGUB)  
opened the Burma UN Service Office in New York on 1st January, 1996. 
The office is aimed to (1) promote awareness on situation in Burma among 
UN members (2) keep regular consultation with the United Nations 
Secretariat (3) materialize UN mediated comprehensive political settlement 
in Burma leading to the restoration of democracy and human rights, and 
national reconciliation.

Dr. Thaung Htun was assigned by the NCGUB to work as the 
Representative for UN Affairs. Communication can be made through the 
following address. 

Burma UN Service Office
777, UN Plaza, 6th Floor, New York, NY 10017, USA.
Tel: (1-212) 338 0048
Fax: (1-212) 338 0049, (1-212) 692 9748
E-mail - ncgub@xxxxxxxxxxx


United States Senate
December 29, 1995

Mr. President, I rise today with Senators Moynihan, D'Amato and
Leahy to introduce the Burma Freedom And Democracy Act of 1995.

Early in December, prospects for democracy in Burma took a turn 
for the worse. In a remarkable act of courage, Aung San Suu Kyi 
and her colleagues in the National League for Democracy decided 
not to participate in the National Convention orchestrated by 
the State Law and Order Restoration Council.  In announcing her 
decision she said, "A country which is drawing up a constitution
that will decide the future of the state should have the 
confidence of the people."  This is a standard that SLORC cannot meet.

Burma is not one step closer to democracy today than it was in 
the immediate aftermath of the crackdown in 1988.  Indeed, in 
Aung San Suu Kyi's own words, "I have been released, that is all."

In fact, the situation continues to deteriorate. A recent report 
filed by the U.N. Special Rapporteur on Burma, Dr. Yokota, is a 
fresh, sharp reminder of the level of despair and the brutality 
suffered by the people of Burma at the hands of SLORC.

Virtually no improvements have occurred since the Spring report of 
the Special Rapporteur.  Dr. Yokota reported that the National 
Convention "is not heading towards restoration of democracy" and 
criticized SLORC for not affording him the opportunity to meet 
with convention participants free from SLORC supervision.

But, those criticism were mild compared to his determinations with 
regard to human rights and the quality of life for the average Burmese 

A complex array of security laws are used to harass, intimidate 
and afford SLORC soldiers sweeping powers of arrest and detention.  
He charged the military with carrying out arbitrary killings, 
rape, torture, forced porterage, forced labor, forced relocations 
and confiscation of private property.  He substantiated many 
refugee claims that this pattern of abuse continues most 
frequently "in border areas where the Army is engaged military 
operations or where regional development projects are taking 
place," he added, "many or the victims of such atrocious acts 
belong to ethnic national populations, especially women, peasants, 
daily wage earners and other peaceful civilians who do not have 
enough money to avoid mistreatment by bribing."

If anyone had any doubts about the ruthless nature of the SLORC 
regime,I encourage them to take a few minutes to read this report.

SLORC has now turned its attention to the rising influence of Suu 
Kyi and her supporters.  SLORC has cynically used the fact of her 
release to attempt to demonstrate they are relaxing their grip on 
power.  Unfortunately, it is a sadistic charade.

Although, Suu Kyi has repeatedly called for a dialogue to 
reconcile the nation, SLORC has rejected every attempt to include 
her or the NLD in a credible political process.  Last week Suu Kyi 
was personally attacked in the official newspapers as a "traitor"  
who should be "annihilated." When the NLD announced they would not 
participate in the National Convention, senior officials woke up 
to find their homes surrounded by soldiers and their movements 
shadowed by military thugs.

In response to this assault on democracy and democratic activists, 
members of the business community have made two arguments.  First, 
the allegations are exaggerations of the conditions.  And, second., 
trade, investment and economic improvements will yield political 
progress just as it has in China and Vietnam.

Mr. President, I urge the business community to read Dr. Yokota's 
recent report and then consider an important difference in Burma. 
In 1990 elections were held and the nation spoke with a strong 
voice.  Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy swept the 
elections only to find the results brutally rejected by SLORC.  We 
cannot pretend those elections did not occur.  We cannot turn our 
back on the legitimate government of Burma.  We should not trade 
democracy for dollars in the pockets of a few companies interested 
in investing in Burma.

Suu Kyi has been absolutely clear.  She will welcome foreign 
investment in her country just as soon as it makes real progress 
toward democracy.

The United States must take the lead in supporting not only her 
courage but her objective which is nothing short of Burma's 
liberty.  It is clear U.N. Ambassador Albright understands the 
importance of our role and the responsibilities of U.S. leadership 
in securing democracy for Burma.  In responding to the UN 
Rapporteur's report and the subsequent General Assembly resolution 
she spelled out the alternatives for SLORC: they must there must be 
prompt and meaningful progress in political reforms including a 
transition to an elected government or Burma will face further 
international isolation.

Mr. President, I agree with the Ambassador's conclusions. However, 
it is a position that the Administration has expressed for more 
than a year.  My definition of prompt differs from the 
Administration's timetable. 

SLORC has had ample time and opportunity to demonstrate their 
intent to in effect return to the barracks and leave the governing 
of the country to democratically elected civilians. Burma waited 
for decades to vote for the National League for Democracy.  They 
have waited for the past five years to benefit from the results of 
that election.  Burma has waited for its freedom long enough.

In past statements on Burma I have devoted a good deal of my 
remarks to why a country so far away should matter to anyone here 
in the United States.    It is not just a matter of upholding the 
principles of democracy and free markets -- principles that define 
our history and national conscience.  But, for many, those are 
ideals that are difficult to transplant --it is difficult to see 
why we should apply sanctions to further that cause.
The reason it is in our direct interest to secure democracy in 
Burma relates to the surge in narcotics trafficking afflicting 
every community in this nation.  Burma is the source of more than 
60% of the heroin coming into the United States.  And, as the 
Assistant Secretary of State for Asian Affairs has testified, 
until there is a democratically  elected government in Rangoon, 
committed to a similar set of values, we will not see the active 
cooperation necessary to bring a real halt to this problem.  We 
may see episodic efforts designed -- like Suu Kyi's release -- to 
influence our perceptions of SLORC's intentions.  But, we will 
not see a serious effort to eradicate opium production unless we 
can work with a government dedicated to our common agenda.

The credibility of a counternarcotics program directly relates to 
the credibility of the government.

Let me conclude by thanking Senators Moynihan, Leahy and D'Amato 
for joining me in this legislation.  I appreciate my colleague on 
the Subcommittee on Foreign Operations joining me in this 
important effort.  I understand the parliamentarian has decided 
that this will be referred to the Banking Committee, so I am 
grateful for the cosponsorship of the Chairman, Senator D'Amato.

But, I want to take a moment single out Senator Moynihan and his 
long standing commitment to Suu Kyi's safe return to public life.  
When we were members of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee in 
1992 Senator Moynihan and I worked together to establish conditions 
which must be met prior to our dispatching a U.S. ambassador to Burma.  
Then as now, he has been articulate champion for a noble cause.

Thank you.


December 30, 1995

          S 1511 IS           104th CONGRESS, 1st Session
          To impose sanctions on Burma.

                                    December 29, 1995
          Mr. MCCONNELL (for himself, Mr. MOYNIHAN, Mr. D'AMATO, and Mr.
              LEAHY) introduced the following bill; which was read twice and
              referred to the Committee on Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs
                                         A BILL  To impose sanctions on Burma.
	Be it enacted by the Senate and House of
          Representatives of the United States of America in Congress

  This Act may be cited as the `Burma Freedom and Democracy Act of 1995'.
            Congress makes the following findings:
                (1) Since 1962, Burma has been ruled by a military dictatorship.
                (2) As part of a crackdown against the Burmese pro-democracy
              movement, the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC)
              was established by the military dictatorship in 1988.
                (3) On May 27, 1990 the people of Burma voted overwhelmingly
              in a free election for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the National
              League for Democracy (NLD).
                (4) Despite numerous pledges, the SLORC has failed to honor
              the results of the 1990 elections.
                (5) The United States has not sent an ambassador to Rangoon
              in protest of the failure of the SLORC to honor the 1990
              elections and the continued human rights abuses suffered by the
              Burmese people.
                (6) In response to the massacre of thousands of Burmese
              participating in peaceful democratic demonstrations, Congress
              adopted a provision as part of the Customs and Trade Act of
              1990 requiring the President to impose appropriate economic
              sanctions on Burma.
                (7) Currently the United States has suspended economic aid to
              Burma, placed an embargo on arms sales, denied GSP trade
              preferences, and decertified Burma as a narcotics cooperating
                (8) On April 30, 1994, the Foreign Relations Authorization
              Act, Fiscal Years 1994 and 1995 (Public Law 103-236), placed
              Burma on the list of international `outlaw' states that
              includes Libya, North Korea, and Iraq and which is set forth in
              section 307 of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 (22 U.S.C.
              2227(a)), thus mandating that voluntary United States funding
              for any United Nations agency will be automatically reduced if
              the agency conducts programs in Burma.
                (9) On July 15, 1994 the Senate adopted Senate Resolution 234
              calling on the Administration to encourage members of the
              Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to work with the
              United States to achieve the transfer of power to the winners
              of Burma's 1990 democratic election.
                (10) On July 10, 1995 after six years of unlawful detention,
              the SLORC released Nobel Peace Prize winner Daw Aung San Suu
              Kyi, the leader of the NLD.
                (11) Since the release of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, SLORC has
              rejected her efforts to establish a timetable for dialogue and
              national reconciliation and has denied the NLD a meaningful
              role in a credible political process.
            Congress declares that it is the policy of the United States--
                (1) to support actively the prompt transition from a military
              dictatorship to a democratic government in Burma;
                (2) to encourage the State Law and Order Restoration
              Committee to immediately and unconditionally release all
              political prisoners and allow them to participate in the
              political process;
                (3) to recognize the individuals who won the 1990 democratic
              election as the legitimate representatives of the Burmese
              people; and
                (4) to expand contact with the democratically elected leaders
              of Burma through the United States mission in Rangoon in order
              to facilitate the democratic process in Burma.
      SEC. 4. SANCTIONS.
            (a) PROHIBITION- Until such time as the President determines and
          certifies to the appropriate congressional committees that an
          elected government of Burma has been allowed to take power--
                (1) the sanctions described in subsection (b) shall be
              imposed on Burma; and
                (2) the appropriate Government officials may apply the
              sanctions described in subsection (c) against Burma.
            (b) MANDATORY SANCTIONS-
                (1) INVESTMENT SANCTION- United States nationals shall not
              make any investment in Burma.
                (2) UNITED STATES ASSISTANCE- United States assistance for
              Burma is prohibited.
                (3) MULTILATERAL ASSISTANCE- The Secretary of the Treasury
              shall instruct the United States executive director of each
              financial institution to vote against any loan or other
              utilization of the funds of the respective bank to or for Burma.
                (4) ADMISSION TO UNITED STATES- Except as required by treaty
              obligations, any Burmese national who formulates, implements,
              or benefits from policies which hinder the transition of Burma
              to a democratic country, and any member of the immediate family
              of such national, shall be ineligible to receive a visa and
              shall be excluded from admission into the United States.
                (1) IMPORT SANCTIONS- The President is authorized to prohibit
              the importation into the United States of articles which are
              produced, manufactured, grown, or extracted in Burma.
                (2) BAN ON TRAVEL TO BURMA- The Secretary of State may
              prohibit the use of United States passports for travel to
              Burma, except for travel by United States officials.
                (3) DIPLOMATIC REPRESENTATION- The President is urged not to
              accept diplomatic representation from Burma at a level greater
              than the level of diplomatic representation accorded the United
              States in Burma.
              The President is authorized to withhold from each international
              organization that funds activities in Burma other than
              humanitarian activities an amount equal to the United States
              proportionate share of that funding.
            Not later than 90 days after the date of enactment of this Act,
          the Secretary of Labor, in consultation with the Secretary of
          State, shall submit a report to the appropriate congressional
          committees on--
                (1) Burmese compliance with international labor standards
              including the use of forced labor, child labor, slave labor,
              and involuntary prison labor by the junta;
                (2) the degree to which foreign investment in Burma
              contributes to violations of fundamental worker rights;
                (3) labor practices in support of Burma's foreign tourist
              industry; and
                (4) efforts by the United States to end violations of
              fundamental labor rights in Burma.
            As used in this Act:
              `appropriate congressional committees' means the Committee on
              Appropriations and the Committee on Foreign Relations of the
              Senate and the Committee on Appropriations and the Committee on
              International Relations of the House of Representatives.
              `international financial institutions' includes the
              International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, the
              International Development Association, the Asian Development
              Bank, and the International Monetary Fund.
                (3) INVESTMENT- The term `investment' includes any
              contribution or commitment of funds, commodities, services,
              patents, processes, or techniques, in the form of--
                    (A) a loan or loans;
                    (B) the purchase of a share of ownership;
                    (C) participation in royalties, earnings, or profits; and
                    (D) the furnishing of commodities or services pursuant to
                  a lease or other contract.
                (4) UNITED STATES ASSISTANCE- The term `United States
              assistance' means assistance of any kind which is provided by
              grant, sale, loan, lease, credit, guaranty, or insurance, or by
              any other means, by any agency or instrumentality of the United
              States Government to any foreign country.


January 2, 1995

FYI -- the new Let's Go SE Asia travel guide has a small section entitled:
Myanmar -- Let's NOT Go.


January 1, 1995
>From glen at: freeburma@xxxxxxxxx

for those of you with web browsers, following is the most convenient 
way yet available to voice your sentiments regarding specific burma 
issues to the us governmant.


the authors have set up a simple form which educates and sets up a 
nice letter for you, preaddressed to the proper recipients.  

please try it, and give your feedback to the creator.
THEN tell your friends to visit it.

is nearly complete to date at 

should you have any issues we're missing please mail them
to freeburma@xxxxxxxxx and we'll post them immediately.
  Say "no!" to Pepsi and the gas that comes with it.
             Boycott Pepsico and Unocal
Visit http://FreeBurma.org
Visit http://sunsite.unc.edu/freeburma/freeburma.html


January 2, 1996

· January Burma Roundtable  .  .  .  .  .  Planning for the New Year!

The next Roundtable will take place on Monday, January 8. The meeting will
start at 7pm at the office of Franklin Research & Development at 711
Atlantic Avenue 4th floor, just across the street from South Station and
opposite the Greyhound Bus terminal.  

At the January meeting, we will discuss the growing political crisis in
Burma (see below) and how we can support the Burmese democracy movement over
the next year.

· News Update  .  .  .  .  .  Situation in Burma Heats Up

The news coming out of Burma becomes grimmer and grimmer.  Ominously, the
ruling Burmese military junta has labeled the democracy movement as
"traitors."  Many fear that the junta will crack down on Aung San Suu Kyi
and the democracy movement.

In response, on December 29, Senator Mitch McConnell (R, KY) joined with
Senators Leahy (D, VT), Moynihan (D, NY) and D'Amato (R, NY) to introduce
the new Burma Freedom and Democracy Act.  The bill would put pressure on the
ruling Burmese military junta by imposing economic sanctions similar to
those imposed on South Africa.

Senator John Kerry still has not indicated whether he will support imposing
economic sanctions on Burma.  Several Burma Roundtable participants have
written to Senator Kerry but he has not replied so far. If you have not yet
written to Senator Kerry, this would be a good time.  Feel free to follow up
your letter with a phone call.

Senator John Kerry, United States Senate, Washington, DC 20510
(202) 224 2742

· H2833 Update and Action Alert!

This month, we need your help in lobbying Massachusetts State Senator Edward
Clancy, chairman of the Senate Steering & Policy Committee. Senator Clancy
has not yet seen fit to report H2833 out of his committee even though he
received the bill in September.  (Introduced by State Rep. Byron Rushing,
H2833 would bar the state from buying goods or services from companies doing
business in Burma.)

At present, Senator Clancy does not know that there is support for this bill
at the grassroots level around the state.  If he were to receive 10-20
letters over the next two weeks, he may start to catch on...

Please use the sample letter on the back of this sheet to ask Senator Clancy
to report H2833 out of his committee favorably and bring it to a floor vote
in the State Senate.

Simon Billenness, Franklin Research & Development, 711 Atlantic Avenue,
Boston, MA 02111
(617) 423 6655