[Date Prev][Date Next][Thread Prev][Thread Next][Date Index
][Thread Index
]
BurmaNet News January 4, 1996 #314
- Subject: BurmaNet News January 4, 1996 #314
- From: strider@xxxxxxxxxxx
- Date: Thu, 04 Jan 1996 10:45:00
Received: from igc2.igc.apc.org (igc2.igc.apc.org [192.82.108.39]) by igc3.igc.apc.org (8.6.12/Revision: 1.9 ) with SMTP id KAA09084; Thu, 4 Jan 1996 10:41:06 -0800
Received: (from strider) by igc2.igc.apc.org (8.6.11/Revision: 1.16 ) id KAA23917; Thu, 4 Jan 1996 10:16:20 -0800
Date: Thu, 4 Jan 1996 10:16:20 -0800
------------------------ BurmaNet ------------------------
"Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies"
----------------------------------------------------------
The BurmaNet News: January 4, 1996
Issue #314
HEADLINES:
==========
REUTER: SLORC TROOPS CAPTURE KHUN SA'S HEADQUARTERS
REUTER: BURMESE TROOPS MARCH INTO OPIUM WARLORD'S BASE.
ABSDF: CEASE-FIRE BETWEEN KHUN SAS MTA AND SLORC
INDEPENDENT REPORT: THREATS TO REFUGEES
INDEPENDENT REPORT: DKBA ATTACKS - NO END IN SIGHT
NCGUB (HRDU): ANOTHER ARREST IN BURMA
ABSDF(MTZ): STATEMENT ON THE 48TH ANNIV. OF INDEPENDENCE
ABSDF(DNA): STATEMENT ON THE 48TH ANNIV. OF INDEPENDENCE
THE HINDU : "INDIA, MYANMAR AGREE TO CHECK INSURGENCY"
NCGUB: NCGUB OPENS BURMA UN SERVICE OFFICE IN NEW YORK
STATEMENT OF SENATOR MCCONNELL
US SENATE: MCCONNELL BILL
FOR YOUR INFO: MYANMAR - LET'S NOT GO
ANNOUNCEMENT: INSTANT ACTIVISM/BURMANET NEWS ARCHIVE
ANNOUNCEMENT: MASSACHUSETTS BURMA ROUNDTABLE
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
REUTER: SLORC TROOPS CAPTURE KHUN SA'S HEADQUARTERS
WITHOUT A BATTLE January 2, 1996
BANGKOK, Jan 2 (Reuter) - About 1,500 Burmese troops have taken over the
jungle headquarters of drug warlord Khun Sa in the opium growing Golden
Triangle region, civilian sources in the town said on Tuesday.
Sources in Khun Sa's hilly stronghold of Ho Mong on the edge of Burma's
eastern Shan State, about 30 kms (19 miles) from the Thai border, told
Reuters by telephone that Burmese troops met no resistance when they entered
Ho Mong on Monday morning.
"Thousands of Burmese soldiers were trucked into the town since Monday
morning," Khun Kya Oo, a senior official of Khun Sa's Mong Tai Army (MTA)
living in northern Thailand said.
A source in Ho Mong said more armed Burmese troops kept moving into the town
on Tuesday.
"(Burmese troops) are being deployed at camps where MTA soldiers used to
live but they do not disturb villagers," a civilian source said.
The sources said it was unclear if Khun Sa and his senior officers were
still in Ho Mong.
REUTER: BURMESE TROOPS MARCH INTO OPIUM WARLORD'S BASE.
December 31, 1995 By Sutin Wannabovorn
BANGKOK, Dec 31 (Reuter) - Troops loyal to opium warlord Khun Sa have handed
their sworn enemies, Burmese government forces, a strategic pass on the Thai
border in a new twist in the Golden Triangle region, Thai police said on Sunday.
More than 1,000 Burmese troops marched into the Doi Lang, a trade gateway on
the border of northeastern Burma's Shan state and Thailand last Friday.
"The Khun Sa camp leader greeted Burmese troops at the foot of the mountain,
led them up the to the top and handed them the camp," a Thai Border Patrol
Police officer told Reuters.
Khun Sa's Mong Tai Army (MTA) has battled rivals for years to keep a firm
grip on the mountain base. Burmese leaders have in the past vowed to crush
Khun Sa and his guerrilla force.
The powerful MTA had a major setback in June when several thousand fighters
broke away, accusing Khun Sa of caring more about the opium business than
the Shan independence struggle.
In November Khun Sa officially stepped down as leader of the MTA, saying he
had lost heart after the defection.
It was not immediately clear if the surrender of Doi Lang had been ordered
by MTA headquarters or was decided by the local MTA commander, the Thai
officer said.
The handover of the mountaintop base came as a surprise to one officer in
Khun Sa's guerrilla army, based on a different section of the border.
"I've heard that the Burmese have entered Doi Lang but I don't have any
details," the MTA officer told Reuters.
Khun Sa's rivals, from the powerful Wa guerrilla army, who have been
fighting the MTA in the area for years, were also puzzled by the move.
An official from the Wa group, allied to the Burmese government army since a
1989 ceasefire, said the Burmese sent a radio message to them on Saturday
asking the Wa to stop attacking the Doi Lang area.
"We were very surprised by the sudden change. Our commanders agreed to stop
operations against Doi Lang for the time being but we'll continue to fight
the MTA in other places," the Wa official said.
"The MTA are on the run. We've captured a lot of their outposts in the past
weeks. We'll continue to drive them out even if the Burmese have stopped
fighting them," he said.
The Wa army and Khun Sa's force are the two main factions blamed for a flood
of heroin from Burma's Shan state.
******************************************************
ABSDF: CEASE-FIRE BETWEEN KHUN SAS MTA AND SLORC
January 3, 1996
A cease-fire agreement between Khun Sas MTA and Slorc was reached
on December 29, 1995. After the agreement, three Slorcs battalions led by
three Burmese colonels arrived Ho Mong the headquarters of Khun Sas MTA,
on the edge of Burmas eastern Shan State.
There was a referendum in MTA deciding whether to stand as the
regional defense troop under Slorc on December 22, 1995. After getting 88
per cent vote of yes to stand as the regional defense troop under Slorc,
MTA decided to sign a cease-fire agreement with Slorc. According the
reliable sources of MTA, a delegation led by Sai Khun Sel, one of the
assistants and uncle of Khun Sa went to Rangoon during the second week of
December and is still in Rangoon. In addition to the three Slorc battalions,
seven more battalions of Slorc are stationing on strategic Naung Oak- Doi Lan
mountain range, about 150 kilometers north-east of Mae Hong Son.
There some ranks and files in MTA reportedly against the
cease-fire agreement. The mutiny was broke out on June 7, 1995 and Khun
Sa suffered a serious setback when several thousands troops led by Sai Kan
Yuok, a young Shan nationalist. Later the breakaway group founded Shan
State National Army (SSNA) and reached an agreement with Slorc. Slorc
repeatedly said to the international community that they would never
accept Khun Sas MTA as a ethnic armed groups.
ABSDF NEWS AGENCY
ABSDF (DAWN GWIN)
***************************************************
INDEPENDENT REPORT: THREATS TO REFUGEES
December 16, 1995
In the beginning of this year, I was teaching in a small, relatively
unknown refugee camp called Don Pa Kiang, or Quaybow. This camp is
approximately 10 KM north of Quaykolok, about 1 KM from the border. During
the attacks in April/May, when other refugee camps were being burned down, this
camp was undisturbed. Although the refugees felt threatened, this camp was
never threatened to be burned down until a few weeks ago. A friend in the camp
has informed me that on 22 Nov. at about 6:30 PM the DKBA came to the camp.
There were about 16 DKBA with one member of SLORC. They went directly to the
camp leader's house and asked Permission to burn the camp. The camp leader
begged them not to burn the camp saying that it would make it difficult for the
villagers. The intruders told the camp leader that they all have to go back to
Burma. The camp leader told them that when the situation in Burma is quiet
they will all return as soon as possible. After a few hours they left without
doing anything.
I just wanted people to know that previously unthreatened refugees are now
being threatened by the DKBA WITH SLORC soldiers. Since the end of the rainy
season refugees have been threatened again but I had not heard of the threat
of burning camps again so I thought it would be good to put this out on the
Burmanet.
******************************************
INDEPENDENT REPORT: DKBA ATTACKS - NO END IN SIGHT
by Christina Fink
January 4, 1996
"I have dug a trench under my house for my family to hide in," said
Ee-noh, a Karen refugee living in Mae La camp. He is not the only one
who is scared. Since the end of the rainy season, DKBA attacks along the
Thai-Burma border have begun again, and residents of all refugee camps in
the Mae Sot area are living in fear.
The DKBA, or Democratic Kayin Buddhist Army, consists of
former Karen National Liberation Army soldiers and Karen villagers recruited
by the SLORC. The State Law and Order Restoration Council provides the
DKBA with weapons, uniforms, and rations. In return, the DKBA is expected
to destroy the links between Karen civilians and the Karen National Union.
The DKBA was instrumental in the fall of Manerplaw last December.
Because they knew all the trails in the area, they could easily guide the
SLORC troops into the KNU headquarters.
In some areas of Karen state, they have also been able to cut KNLA
soldiers off from Karen villagers. In the past, Karen villagers routinely provided
food to KNLA soldiers as well as information about SLORC troop movements.
Long familiar with the area, the DKBA know who the informers are and how
Karen intelligence gathering works. Villagers now no longer dare communicate
with or support the KNLA.
But the DKBA do not only operate in Burma. During the last dry season,
the DKBA crossed into Thai soil repeatedly, looting and burning down Karen
refugee camps. SLORC troops do not accompany them into the camps but in
at least one instance they shelled with heavy mortars from the other side.
In the last month, the DKBA have entered Thailand no less than ten times.
On December 3, a group of eight armed DKBA soldiers entered Shoklo
camp and murdered a Karen pastor and kidnapped three men. More attacks
are anticipated, and the Medicins Sans Frontiers medical staff no longer dares to
sleep in the camp.
The SLORC has promised the DKBA that they will be given authority
over Karen State if they can bring the refugees back. Last winter the DKBA
attempted to persuade refugees to return. Some family members did move back to
Burma, but the vast majority stayed and new refugees continued to come out.
The DKBA then resorted to force to try to scare the refugees into going back
or to make so much trouble along the border that the Thai authorities would
repatriate the refugees.
According to one teacher in Mae La camp, "the SLORC supports
the DKBA to come over and make problems so that the Thai government
will send us back to our country."
But the DKBA has not limited its attacks only to the refugee camps.
They have also been robbing and killing Thais in the area. Since November,
four incidents have occurred on the Mae Sot-Mae Sariang highway and
two in Pop Phra district south of Mae Sot. Six Thais have been killed,
including a Border Patrol Police officer and three children.
While the DKBA may not be receiving direct orders to attack Thais,
the SLORC is not discouraging them either. As one Mae La camp resident
noted, "they are free to kill and rape whoever they want, there is no penalty
for them."
However, it is possible that attacks on the Thais involve more than
just greed or revenge. After several of the attacks, the DKBA have left brand
new KNU uniforms hanging near the scene of the crime. According to Saw Law
Ti, the camp leader at Mae La, the point is to confuse the Thais about who is
behind these incidents and to make them turn against all Karen, including the
KNU.
If this is the strategy, it seems to be working. At the funeral of the
Border Patrol Police officer who was killed recently by DKBA, one woman
stated angrily, "it's as if we are becoming a colony under Karen rule."
Yud, a passenger-truck driver on the Mae Sot-Mae Sariang Road,
said that if the violence continues he thinks the refugees will be sent back.
If it is peaceful, they will be allowed to stay.
Delegates of the KNU are currently engaging in ceasefire negotiatons
with the SLORC in Moulmein. If a ceasefire agreement is reached, the Karen
refugees would be repatriated.
There is no guarantee, however, that attacks on Thais would stop.
In the government-run newspaper, the New Light of Myanmar, the SLORC
has justified its continued arms build-up and increase in troop strength by
saying that they cannot trust the Thais. Provoking incidents along the
Thai-Burma border may be a way to continue to justify the size of the Burmese
army.
When the KNU controlled the long stretch of territory on the Burmese
side of the border, the Thais did not have to station any troops in the area.
According to Yud, the passenger-truck driver, "before the Karen split there were
never any problems along the border."
It is highly unlikely that the KNU will ever regain control of the border
area. At the same time, Thai forces cannot possibly defend all points along the
rugged, mountainous border.
The SLORC has insisted that the DKBA troops do not belong to them,
so they cannot be held responsible for the DKBA's actions. According to KNU
sources, some DKBA troops are operating independently, but they are not
the troops who have entered into Thailand.
The SLORC's willingness to allow the DKBA to kill Thai civilians does
not bode well for the future. Even if the KNU and the SLORC do sign a ceasefire,
real peace along the Thai-Burma border may still be a long way away.
******************************************
NCGUB (HRDU): ANOTHER ARREST IN BURMA
Date: 31 Dec 1995 From: kyaw@xxxxxxxxxx
After the arrest of U Sein Hla Aung on 16 December 1995, another video
tape renter was arrested by the SLORC with the same allegation that the
victim has handed over the video tapes of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's speech,
delivered on every Saturday and Sunday, to the other people. He is also accused
of violating the video act. His name was Zaw Zaw Myaing, age 30 years, who is
living at Myet Par Quarter, Shwe Chi Htoe of Mandalay downtown. The remand
of both U Sein Hla Aung and Zaw Zaw Myaing is 11 January 1996.
Human Rights Documentation Unit, NCGUB
******************************************************
ABSDF(MTZ): STATEMENT ON THE 48TH ANNIVERSARY OF BURMA'S
INDEPENDENCE DAY January 4, 1996
January 4, 1996 is a very special day in Burma as it is the 48th
Anniversary of the Burma's Independence.
Burma gained her independence after almost a century of British
colonial rule due to the unwavering efforts of the entire people
of Burma and the solidarity of all its ethnic groups.
Since then the People of Burma rather, than enjoying their
freedom, have became hostages to successive military
dictatorships including the SLORC. General Aung San, our beloved
leader and father of Burma's Independence, was assassinated less
than six months prior to independence. Civil war broke out only
months after the independence. The descent into civil war
favoured the emergence of military domination and firmly rooted
military dictatorialism in Burma.
Under the successive military dictatorships, democratic rights,
basic human rights and the rights of the entire people of Burma
have been neglected and economic, social and educational sectors
have deteriorated. Consequently Burma has reached the lowest
status in the international community. The people of Burma have
been struggling against the military dictatorship since its
establishment.
Today's military junta, the SLORC, is claiming that the
insurgencies which began with our independence are now coming to
a close, and Burma is progressing towards an open-market economy
which will lead Burma towards democracy. In reality, it is
forcing, with its military power, the ethnic people to reach
ceased fire agreements without solving the underlying political
problems and it is selling off the resources of Burma in order to
strengthen its own hold on power. More than 60% of the national
budget is used by the military to suppress the people of Burma.
None of the groups which have reached cease-fire agreements with
the SLORC are satisfied with the status quo as no further
positive political settlement is in sight. Many promises have
been broken leading to the violation of the agreement in Karenni
State and subsequent offensives against the Karenni people. The
situation of the entire population is much worse than before
Independence.
The SLORC, which took power through a bloody crackdown on
peaceful demonstrators in 1988 is the most brutal regime in
Southeast Asia, with a notorious record of human rights
abuses. The SLORC blatantly refused to honour the 1990 election
results even though they had promised several times in the time
prior to the elections that the military would transfer power to
the elected representatives and return to the barracks. The SLORC
continues its brutal suppression on the pro-democratic opposition
groups and misleads the international community with cosmetic
changes and propaganda.
At present, the SLORC is attempting to continue the highly
orchestrated National Convention which will guarantee the
military a leading role in the future politics of Burma very much
against the wishes of the people of Burma.
ABSDF believes that now is the critical time for the SLORC, if it
is sincere, to attempt to address the political problems in Burma
in order to achieve national reconciliation and lasting peace
which will lead Burma to a development, democracy and prosperity.
The ABSDF reaffirms that it will continue to fight against the
SLORC, to topple the military dictatorship and to restore
democracy and human rights and establish a genuine federal union
within Burma.
The ABSDF demands the SLORC to:
Unconditionally release student leader Min Ko Naing and all
political prisoners.
Dialogue with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and ethnic leaders in
order to bring national reconciliation, democracy and
lasting peace to Burma.
Cancel all unjust laws,
Abolish the Sham National Convention.
We ask Burmese Army officers and ordinary soldiers to go back to
their military duties and restore the dignity of the Army that
existed once under the leadership of General Aung San.
We call on the all democracy loving people, both inside and
outside of Burma, to continue their relentless efforts and great
struggle for the restoration of Democracy in Burma.
We urge the international community to exert more pressure on the
SLORC by way of a world wide arms embargo and economic sanctions
until the restoration of democracy and human rights in Burma has
been achieved.
Central Leading Committee, ABSDF
88 camps
***********************************************************
ABSDF(DNA): STATEMENT ON THE 48TH ANNIVERSARY OF INDEPENDENCE DAY
January 1, 1995
January 4, 1995 is the 48th anniversary auspicious occasion of the
Independence Day in Burma which marks the Burmese liberation from the
colonization.
Over a hundred year under the British colony, Burmese people have
sacrificed countless lives, sweat and blood for the independence of their
mother-land. Apparently, three generations of Burmese people had to fight
for the inspiration of independence.
As a result of their striving for liberation, Burma became an independent
nation and awarded its own sovereignty. Unfortunately, the civil war was
taken place along together with the independence in Burma. As well as
national union among the nationalities in Burma was broken as a result of
civil war in Burma.
Civil war after the newly-born independence paved the way for some
opportunities to the military dictatorship in Burma. The intensification
of civil war was the reason for the military to extend their military
might and later this become the firm foundation for consolidation of
military dictatorship in Burma. That is the system that have been still
suppressing its own people as the slaves.
It is a true fact that Burma has liberated from the foreign colonization
but unfortunately, it is still under the suppression of the misrule by
its same people. Because of the Slorc's dictatorial oppression against
its own people, there are lack of democracy and human rights.The struggle
to achieve these principles has become the national cause. Burmese people
understand well that without the abolishment of military dictatorship, it
would be impossible to achieve these principles.
Struggle against the military dictatorship in Burma is the historic
responsibility for all citizens of Burma. It can also be recognized as
the second struggle for national liberation.
It is a grieved circumstances for a country like Burma which is
sovereignty nation with high rich natural resources has been designated
as the one of the least developed country in the world for the misrule by
its military dictatorship. All the social, economic and political
situation as well as the dignity of the Burmese people are deteriorating.
The ruling military regime, Slorc is playing a political game with
"cease-fire policy" aiming to disarm the ethnic groups and suppressing
the opposition forces strategically in order to consolidate their
military rule. Genuine internal peace cannot attained by merely doing
cease-fire agreement. It can be reached until and unless the political
dilemmas are solved with sincerity and openness. At the same time, the
will of Burmese people to establish the civilian government will be still
far away as long as the military domination theory is alive. The Slorc is
ignoring the result of 1990 election and is forcibly organising the
so-called "National Convention" to consolidate their military power in
the future politics. "National Convention" merely organized by Slorc is
lack of genuine goodwill and lack of nobility. In addition, it dose not
symbolize as the national representation. We, the ABSDF strongly believes
that "National Convention" could not achieve to emerge the genuine
national unity and solidarity in Burma.
Genuine national solidarity can be dignified when democracy and human
rights are prevail and the full ethnic rights are honoured.
The ABSDF will forge ahead to oppose the on-going sham "National
Convention". This is a crucial time for the people of Burma to oppose the
sham "National Convention" which is aiming for Slorc's power consolidation.
People of Burma must understand their plight as the military slavery
under the Slorc regime though Burma has gained independence from the
colonization.
We, the ABSDF strongly urges the people of Burma, with consistent unity
in the struggle for democracy in Burma, to fight against the military
dictatorship in order to achieve the genuine liberation and independence.
Central Committee
ABSDF (Dawn Gwin)
January 1 , 1996.
**********************************************************
THE HINDU : "INDIA, MYANMAR AGREE TO CHECK INSURGENCY"
December 28, 1995
India and Myanmar have agreed to cooperate in coping with
" negative elements" operating along the 1,600 km long border. The Myanmar
authorities have also agreed to take "all possible and practical measures" to
"curb and control the activities" of insurgent groups operating in India, who
now occasionally find haven on the other side.
This was decided during the annual national level talks between the
two countries in Yangoon between December 22 and December 25. The Indian
side was led by Mr. K. Padmanabhaiah, the Union Home Secretary while the
Myanmar delegation was led by the Myanmar Deputy Minister for Home
Affairs.
These annual talks are a forum for the officials of the two countries
to sort out problems arising from the management of the long border. "Negative
elements" like armed insurgent groups, narco-traffickers, smugglers, arms dealers
operate with certain impunity in the area.. The security forces of the two
countries have often worked at cross purposes making difficult the task of
nabbing these "negative elements." There is also scope for considerable
misunderstanding among the security forces on both sides of the border.
Hence the need for continuous dialogue for institutionalization of the highest
level of decision-making.
The talks this year decided to expand the scope far beyond the
maintenance of "peace and tranquillity"; it was agreed to promote positive
activities like border trade, cultural exchange, sports events. Both sides agreed
to carry out site inspection in mid-January for construction of bridge on
Tiau River along Mizoram sector of Indo-Myanmar border. The technical
experts from both sides would meet shortly to study requirement of
infrastructure, tariff and other technical details for power supply to Tamu
township ( in Myanmar ) from Moreh, on the Indian side.
*************************
NCGUB: NCGUB OPENS BURMA UN SERVICE OFFICE IN NEW YORK
January 2, 1996
The National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma (NCGUB)
opened the Burma UN Service Office in New York on 1st January, 1996.
The office is aimed to (1) promote awareness on situation in Burma among
UN members (2) keep regular consultation with the United Nations
Secretariat (3) materialize UN mediated comprehensive political settlement
in Burma leading to the restoration of democracy and human rights, and
national reconciliation.
Dr. Thaung Htun was assigned by the NCGUB to work as the
Representative for UN Affairs. Communication can be made through the
following address.
Burma UN Service Office
777, UN Plaza, 6th Floor, New York, NY 10017, USA.
Tel: (1-212) 338 0048
Fax: (1-212) 338 0049, (1-212) 692 9748
E-mail - ncgub@xxxxxxxxxxx
************************************************
STATEMENT OF SENATOR MCCONNELL
United States Senate
December 29, 1995
Mr. President, I rise today with Senators Moynihan, D'Amato and
Leahy to introduce the Burma Freedom And Democracy Act of 1995.
Early in December, prospects for democracy in Burma took a turn
for the worse. In a remarkable act of courage, Aung San Suu Kyi
and her colleagues in the National League for Democracy decided
not to participate in the National Convention orchestrated by
the State Law and Order Restoration Council. In announcing her
decision she said, "A country which is drawing up a constitution
that will decide the future of the state should have the
confidence of the people." This is a standard that SLORC cannot meet.
Burma is not one step closer to democracy today than it was in
the immediate aftermath of the crackdown in 1988. Indeed, in
Aung San Suu Kyi's own words, "I have been released, that is all."
In fact, the situation continues to deteriorate. A recent report
filed by the U.N. Special Rapporteur on Burma, Dr. Yokota, is a
fresh, sharp reminder of the level of despair and the brutality
suffered by the people of Burma at the hands of SLORC.
Virtually no improvements have occurred since the Spring report of
the Special Rapporteur. Dr. Yokota reported that the National
Convention "is not heading towards restoration of democracy" and
criticized SLORC for not affording him the opportunity to meet
with convention participants free from SLORC supervision.
But, those criticism were mild compared to his determinations with
regard to human rights and the quality of life for the average Burmese
citizen.
A complex array of security laws are used to harass, intimidate
and afford SLORC soldiers sweeping powers of arrest and detention.
He charged the military with carrying out arbitrary killings,
rape, torture, forced porterage, forced labor, forced relocations
and confiscation of private property. He substantiated many
refugee claims that this pattern of abuse continues most
frequently "in border areas where the Army is engaged military
operations or where regional development projects are taking
place," he added, "many or the victims of such atrocious acts
belong to ethnic national populations, especially women, peasants,
daily wage earners and other peaceful civilians who do not have
enough money to avoid mistreatment by bribing."
If anyone had any doubts about the ruthless nature of the SLORC
regime,I encourage them to take a few minutes to read this report.
SLORC has now turned its attention to the rising influence of Suu
Kyi and her supporters. SLORC has cynically used the fact of her
release to attempt to demonstrate they are relaxing their grip on
power. Unfortunately, it is a sadistic charade.
Although, Suu Kyi has repeatedly called for a dialogue to
reconcile the nation, SLORC has rejected every attempt to include
her or the NLD in a credible political process. Last week Suu Kyi
was personally attacked in the official newspapers as a "traitor"
who should be "annihilated." When the NLD announced they would not
participate in the National Convention, senior officials woke up
to find their homes surrounded by soldiers and their movements
shadowed by military thugs.
In response to this assault on democracy and democratic activists,
members of the business community have made two arguments. First,
the allegations are exaggerations of the conditions. And, second.,
trade, investment and economic improvements will yield political
progress just as it has in China and Vietnam.
Mr. President, I urge the business community to read Dr. Yokota's
recent report and then consider an important difference in Burma.
In 1990 elections were held and the nation spoke with a strong
voice. Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy swept the
elections only to find the results brutally rejected by SLORC. We
cannot pretend those elections did not occur. We cannot turn our
back on the legitimate government of Burma. We should not trade
democracy for dollars in the pockets of a few companies interested
in investing in Burma.
Suu Kyi has been absolutely clear. She will welcome foreign
investment in her country just as soon as it makes real progress
toward democracy.
The United States must take the lead in supporting not only her
courage but her objective which is nothing short of Burma's
liberty. It is clear U.N. Ambassador Albright understands the
importance of our role and the responsibilities of U.S. leadership
in securing democracy for Burma. In responding to the UN
Rapporteur's report and the subsequent General Assembly resolution
she spelled out the alternatives for SLORC: they must there must be
prompt and meaningful progress in political reforms including a
transition to an elected government or Burma will face further
international isolation.
Mr. President, I agree with the Ambassador's conclusions. However,
it is a position that the Administration has expressed for more
than a year. My definition of prompt differs from the
Administration's timetable.
SLORC has had ample time and opportunity to demonstrate their
intent to in effect return to the barracks and leave the governing
of the country to democratically elected civilians. Burma waited
for decades to vote for the National League for Democracy. They
have waited for the past five years to benefit from the results of
that election. Burma has waited for its freedom long enough.
In past statements on Burma I have devoted a good deal of my
remarks to why a country so far away should matter to anyone here
in the United States. It is not just a matter of upholding the
principles of democracy and free markets -- principles that define
our history and national conscience. But, for many, those are
ideals that are difficult to transplant --it is difficult to see
why we should apply sanctions to further that cause.
The reason it is in our direct interest to secure democracy in
Burma relates to the surge in narcotics trafficking afflicting
every community in this nation. Burma is the source of more than
60% of the heroin coming into the United States. And, as the
Assistant Secretary of State for Asian Affairs has testified,
until there is a democratically elected government in Rangoon,
committed to a similar set of values, we will not see the active
cooperation necessary to bring a real halt to this problem. We
may see episodic efforts designed -- like Suu Kyi's release -- to
influence our perceptions of SLORC's intentions. But, we will
not see a serious effort to eradicate opium production unless we
can work with a government dedicated to our common agenda.
The credibility of a counternarcotics program directly relates to
the credibility of the government.
Let me conclude by thanking Senators Moynihan, Leahy and D'Amato
for joining me in this legislation. I appreciate my colleague on
the Subcommittee on Foreign Operations joining me in this
important effort. I understand the parliamentarian has decided
that this will be referred to the Banking Committee, so I am
grateful for the cosponsorship of the Chairman, Senator D'Amato.
But, I want to take a moment single out Senator Moynihan and his
long standing commitment to Suu Kyi's safe return to public life.
When we were members of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee in
1992 Senator Moynihan and I worked together to establish conditions
which must be met prior to our dispatching a U.S. ambassador to Burma.
Then as now, he has been articulate champion for a noble cause.
Thank you.
********************************************************************
US SENATE: MCCONNELL BILL
December 30, 1995
S 1511 IS 104th CONGRESS, 1st Session
To impose sanctions on Burma.
IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES
December 29, 1995
Mr. MCCONNELL (for himself, Mr. MOYNIHAN, Mr. D'AMATO, and Mr.
LEAHY) introduced the following bill; which was read twice and
referred to the Committee on Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs
A BILL To impose sanctions on Burma.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of
Representatives of the United States of America in Congress
assembled,
SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE.
This Act may be cited as the `Burma Freedom and Democracy Act of 1995'.
SEC. 2. FINDINGS.
Congress makes the following findings:
(1) Since 1962, Burma has been ruled by a military dictatorship.
(2) As part of a crackdown against the Burmese pro-democracy
movement, the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC)
was established by the military dictatorship in 1988.
(3) On May 27, 1990 the people of Burma voted overwhelmingly
in a free election for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the National
League for Democracy (NLD).
(4) Despite numerous pledges, the SLORC has failed to honor
the results of the 1990 elections.
(5) The United States has not sent an ambassador to Rangoon
in protest of the failure of the SLORC to honor the 1990
elections and the continued human rights abuses suffered by the
Burmese people.
(6) In response to the massacre of thousands of Burmese
participating in peaceful democratic demonstrations, Congress
adopted a provision as part of the Customs and Trade Act of
1990 requiring the President to impose appropriate economic
sanctions on Burma.
(7) Currently the United States has suspended economic aid to
Burma, placed an embargo on arms sales, denied GSP trade
preferences, and decertified Burma as a narcotics cooperating
country.
(8) On April 30, 1994, the Foreign Relations Authorization
Act, Fiscal Years 1994 and 1995 (Public Law 103-236), placed
Burma on the list of international `outlaw' states that
includes Libya, North Korea, and Iraq and which is set forth in
section 307 of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 (22 U.S.C.
2227(a)), thus mandating that voluntary United States funding
for any United Nations agency will be automatically reduced if
the agency conducts programs in Burma.
(9) On July 15, 1994 the Senate adopted Senate Resolution 234
calling on the Administration to encourage members of the
Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to work with the
United States to achieve the transfer of power to the winners
of Burma's 1990 democratic election.
(10) On July 10, 1995 after six years of unlawful detention,
the SLORC released Nobel Peace Prize winner Daw Aung San Suu
Kyi, the leader of the NLD.
(11) Since the release of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, SLORC has
rejected her efforts to establish a timetable for dialogue and
national reconciliation and has denied the NLD a meaningful
role in a credible political process.
SEC. 3. DECLARATION OF POLICY.
Congress declares that it is the policy of the United States--
(1) to support actively the prompt transition from a military
dictatorship to a democratic government in Burma;
(2) to encourage the State Law and Order Restoration
Committee to immediately and unconditionally release all
political prisoners and allow them to participate in the
political process;
(3) to recognize the individuals who won the 1990 democratic
election as the legitimate representatives of the Burmese
people; and
(4) to expand contact with the democratically elected leaders
of Burma through the United States mission in Rangoon in order
to facilitate the democratic process in Burma.
SEC. 4. SANCTIONS.
(a) PROHIBITION- Until such time as the President determines and
certifies to the appropriate congressional committees that an
elected government of Burma has been allowed to take power--
(1) the sanctions described in subsection (b) shall be
imposed on Burma; and
(2) the appropriate Government officials may apply the
sanctions described in subsection (c) against Burma.
(b) MANDATORY SANCTIONS-
(1) INVESTMENT SANCTION- United States nationals shall not
make any investment in Burma.
(2) UNITED STATES ASSISTANCE- United States assistance for
Burma is prohibited.
(3) MULTILATERAL ASSISTANCE- The Secretary of the Treasury
shall instruct the United States executive director of each
financial institution to vote against any loan or other
utilization of the funds of the respective bank to or for Burma.
(4) ADMISSION TO UNITED STATES- Except as required by treaty
obligations, any Burmese national who formulates, implements,
or benefits from policies which hinder the transition of Burma
to a democratic country, and any member of the immediate family
of such national, shall be ineligible to receive a visa and
shall be excluded from admission into the United States.
(c) DISCRETIONARY SANCTIONS-
(1) IMPORT SANCTIONS- The President is authorized to prohibit
the importation into the United States of articles which are
produced, manufactured, grown, or extracted in Burma.
(2) BAN ON TRAVEL TO BURMA- The Secretary of State may
prohibit the use of United States passports for travel to
Burma, except for travel by United States officials.
(3) DIPLOMATIC REPRESENTATION- The President is urged not to
accept diplomatic representation from Burma at a level greater
than the level of diplomatic representation accorded the United
States in Burma.
(4) CONTRIBUTIONS TO INTERNATIONAL FINANCIAL INSTITUTIONS-
The President is authorized to withhold from each international
organization that funds activities in Burma other than
humanitarian activities an amount equal to the United States
proportionate share of that funding.
SEC. 5. REPORT ON BURMESE LABOR PRACTICES.
Not later than 90 days after the date of enactment of this Act,
the Secretary of Labor, in consultation with the Secretary of
State, shall submit a report to the appropriate congressional
committees on--
(1) Burmese compliance with international labor standards
including the use of forced labor, child labor, slave labor,
and involuntary prison labor by the junta;
(2) the degree to which foreign investment in Burma
contributes to violations of fundamental worker rights;
(3) labor practices in support of Burma's foreign tourist
industry; and
(4) efforts by the United States to end violations of
fundamental labor rights in Burma.
SEC. 6. DEFINITIONS.
As used in this Act:
(1) APPROPRIATE CONGRESSIONAL COMMITTEES- The term
`appropriate congressional committees' means the Committee on
Appropriations and the Committee on Foreign Relations of the
Senate and the Committee on Appropriations and the Committee on
International Relations of the House of Representatives.
(2) INTERNATIONAL FINANCIAL INSTITUTIONS- The term
`international financial institutions' includes the
International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, the
International Development Association, the Asian Development
Bank, and the International Monetary Fund.
(3) INVESTMENT- The term `investment' includes any
contribution or commitment of funds, commodities, services,
patents, processes, or techniques, in the form of--
(A) a loan or loans;
(B) the purchase of a share of ownership;
(C) participation in royalties, earnings, or profits; and
(D) the furnishing of commodities or services pursuant to
a lease or other contract.
(4) UNITED STATES ASSISTANCE- The term `United States
assistance' means assistance of any kind which is provided by
grant, sale, loan, lease, credit, guaranty, or insurance, or by
any other means, by any agency or instrumentality of the United
States Government to any foreign country.
***************************************************
FOR YOUR INFO: MYANMAR - LET'S NOT GO
January 2, 1995
FYI -- the new Let's Go SE Asia travel guide has a small section entitled:
Myanmar -- Let's NOT Go.
***************************************************
ANNOUNCEMENT: INSTANT ACTIVISM/BURMANET NEWS ARCHIVE
January 1, 1995
>From glen at: freeburma@xxxxxxxxx
for those of you with web browsers, following is the most convenient
way yet available to voice your sentiments regarding specific burma
issues to the us governmant.
http://cedar.stanford.edu
the authors have set up a simple form which educates and sets up a
nice letter for you, preaddressed to the proper recipients.
please try it, and give your feedback to the creator.
THEN tell your friends to visit it.
------------------------------------------------
BURMANET NEWS ARCHIVE FOR ALL OF 1995
is nearly complete to date at
http://sunsite.unc.edu/freeburma/bnn/bnn.html.
should you have any issues we're missing please mail them
to freeburma@xxxxxxxxx and we'll post them immediately.
-----------------------------------------------------
Say "no!" to Pepsi and the gas that comes with it.
Boycott Pepsico and Unocal
Visit http://FreeBurma.org
Visit http://sunsite.unc.edu/freeburma/freeburma.html
**************************************************
ANNOUNCEMENT: MASSACHUSETTS BURMA ROUNDTABLE
January 2, 1996
· January Burma Roundtable . . . . . Planning for the New Year!
The next Roundtable will take place on Monday, January 8. The meeting will
start at 7pm at the office of Franklin Research & Development at 711
Atlantic Avenue 4th floor, just across the street from South Station and
opposite the Greyhound Bus terminal.
At the January meeting, we will discuss the growing political crisis in
Burma (see below) and how we can support the Burmese democracy movement over
the next year.
· News Update . . . . . Situation in Burma Heats Up
The news coming out of Burma becomes grimmer and grimmer. Ominously, the
ruling Burmese military junta has labeled the democracy movement as
"traitors." Many fear that the junta will crack down on Aung San Suu Kyi
and the democracy movement.
In response, on December 29, Senator Mitch McConnell (R, KY) joined with
Senators Leahy (D, VT), Moynihan (D, NY) and D'Amato (R, NY) to introduce
the new Burma Freedom and Democracy Act. The bill would put pressure on the
ruling Burmese military junta by imposing economic sanctions similar to
those imposed on South Africa.
Senator John Kerry still has not indicated whether he will support imposing
economic sanctions on Burma. Several Burma Roundtable participants have
written to Senator Kerry but he has not replied so far. If you have not yet
written to Senator Kerry, this would be a good time. Feel free to follow up
your letter with a phone call.
Senator John Kerry, United States Senate, Washington, DC 20510
(202) 224 2742
· H2833 Update and Action Alert!
This month, we need your help in lobbying Massachusetts State Senator Edward
Clancy, chairman of the Senate Steering & Policy Committee. Senator Clancy
has not yet seen fit to report H2833 out of his committee even though he
received the bill in September. (Introduced by State Rep. Byron Rushing,
H2833 would bar the state from buying goods or services from companies doing
business in Burma.)
At present, Senator Clancy does not know that there is support for this bill
at the grassroots level around the state. If he were to receive 10-20
letters over the next two weeks, he may start to catch on...
Please use the sample letter on the back of this sheet to ask Senator Clancy
to report H2833 out of his committee favorably and bring it to a floor vote
in the State Senate.
Simon Billenness, Franklin Research & Development, 711 Atlantic Avenue,
Boston, MA 02111
(617) 423 6655
simon_billenness@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx
------------------------------------------------------------------------