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BurmaNet News: October 30, 1995 #26
- Subject: BurmaNet News: October 30, 1995 #26
- From: strider@xxxxxxxxxxx
- Date: Tue, 31 Oct 1995 17:52:00
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Date: Tue, 31 Oct 1995 17:52:15 -0800
Subject: BurmaNet News: October 30, 1995 #266
------------------------ BurmaNet ------------------------
"Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies"
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The BurmaNet News: October 30, 1995
Issue #266
Noted in Passing:
It needs to be realised that SLORC will not enter into a dialogue
(with Aung San Suu Kyi) unless the cost of not doing so increases
significantly. How can we increase the cost for SLORC of not
entering into such dialogue? Obviously, economic sanctions.
- Dr. Thaung Htun, Central Executive Committe Member
of ABSDF. (quoted in: NCGUB: DR THAUNG HTUN'S SPEECH
IN NEW YORK)
HEADLINES:
==========
INDEPENDENT REPORT: PARTICULARS OF THE MON CEASEFIRE
NCGUB: DR THAUNG HTUN'S SPEECH IN NEW YORK
WEST BURMA GROUPS: COMBINED DECLARATION
ABSDF-DNA:DECLARATION OF THE ABSDF'S FOURTH CONFERENCE
NATION: EX-SOLDIER COINS MONEY WITH A TOURISM VENTURE
INDIAN EXPRESS: MIZORAM JOINS INVESTMENT DRIVE
**************************************
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************************
INDEPENDENT REPORT: PARTICULARS OF THE MON CEASEFIRE
AGREEMENT October 31, 1995 by Christina Fink
This report is based on information provided by Nai Shwe Kyin, the
President of the New Mon State Party (NMSP) and other Mon
representatives in Thailand. Nai Shwe Kyin spent 2 months in Burma
meeting with the SLORC, discussing the ceasefire agreement, and touring the
Mon State.
Provisions of the Ceasefire Agreement:
The NMSP will be permitted to do business by itself as well as to participate
in joint ventures with the SLORC or with foreign companies. A Mon holding
company has been established and registered by the SLORC, and the SLORC
has stated that all business should be organized through this company. The
name is Rehmonnya International.
Certain businesses will be given a preferential tax rate.
Note: Nai Shwe Kyin reported that the SLORC ministers asked him to do business
with Malaysia and Singapore, but to try to avoid doing business with Thailand.
In particular, the Mon should not sell logs or seafood to the Thais. He has
already received offers from several companies in Thailand, Malaysia, and
Singapore interested in establishing joint ventures.
Nai Shwe Kyin and a few other members of the Central Executive Committee
of the NMSP have been given Burmese passports, but these are only good
for three countries: Thailand, Malaysia, and Singapore.
The Mon will be allowed to continue running their schools and clinics, but
they will not receive any support for this from the SLORC. If the Mon cannot
support their teachers, the SLORC will send it its own teachers, who will be
paid to teach the SLORC curriculum. The Mon can also send their teachers to
be trained in the SLORC curriculum, and these teachers will be paid if they
return and teach the SLORC curriculum.
The NMSP cannot collect any taxes from the Mon people. Only the SLORC
has the right to collect taxes in the Mon State.
The SLORC will provide the NMSP with the equivalent of 400,000 baht per
month for food for the NMSP. (Note: this is not enough to cover all of the
NMSP, let alone the teachers.)
The NMSP cannot contact any foreign organizations or receive any cross-
border assistance from Non Governmental Organizations. They can only
work with NGOs which come through Rangoon and are SLORC-approved.
NMSP soldiers can remain in 12 small, designated areas. Whenever they go
out of these areas, they cannot carry their weapons.
17 Economic Enterprises were proposed by the New Mon State Party and
approved by the SLORC. They are as follows:
1. To extract felled logs and sell them - to any country except Thailand.
(These logs were cut by Thai companies, but the SLORC revoked the
Thais' permits, and the companies had to leave the logs where they were
felled.)
2. Sea fishing
3. Give rights for 4 boats carrying contraband goods from Singapore and
Malaysia to bring their supplies into Burmese ports each month.
4. Inland transport business - car, truck, and rail transport of goods and
passengers, including the transport of salt from Mon State to Northern
Burma (especially Mandalay)
5. Cut old rubber trees, and make them into furniture to be sold
6. Construction contracts - for bridges, roads, and buildings
7. Sun-dried salt industry
8. Gold mining: there is gold in the upper reaches of the Sattaing River
9. Marble mine - 10 miles east of Moulmein
10. Ice factory - used to be run by Thais on an island in the Andaman
Sea, but now the Thais have been forced to leave, so the Mon can take
it over
11.Animal feed products - given access to more than 1000 acres of land
near Rangoon for grass growing to sell to Korea and Japan.
12. Fish products to feed pigs/ducks
13. Prawn breeding
14. Soft drink factories
15. Gas/diesel suppliers for trawlers and motorcars in Mon State
16. Tourist business
17. Grow rubber and cashew nut trees
Conclusion:
Nai Shwe Kyin is quite optimistic about the potential of Mon businesses and
feels that the Mon State will develop very rapidly. Some projects will take
longer than others, however, so the benefits may not be immediate. Nai Shwe
Kyin and the other members of the NMSP were pleased with the deferential
treatment they received from the SLORC.
After meeting the SLORC, they were able to travel through every district in
Mon State to meet with the Mon people. Thousands of villagers turned out to
meet Nai Shwe Kyin at each place he stopped, and he gave speeches to the villagers
in the local temples, and then allowed them to ask questions. In the rural
areas, most of the questions had to do with taxes: some asked if the SLORC
would stop collecting porter fees now that there was a ceasefire. Others asked
if their tax rate would go down now. One person even asked if it would be possible
to get a rebate on some of the taxes previously paid to the SLORC. In the towns,
many of the questions had to do with education. Education in the Mon language
is a topic of critical concern to a large number of Mon.
While Nai Shwe Kyin himself is very excited about the future of the Mon
State, others are taking a more skeptical view of the ceasefire settlement. Many
Mon suggested that there is a great danger that the NMSP will become too
wrapped up in making money, and the Mon people will feel that the NMSP
does not have their interests at heart. In addition, it will be very difficult for
the NMSP to support their schools since they are not allowed to collect any
taxes or receive cross-border assistance. How long the SLORC will provide
financial support for rice for the NMSP is also unclear. Moreover, whether
the 17 projects will turn out to be financially viable or not remains to be seen.
The SLORC has tried to isolate the NMSP by telling them that there is no need
for tri-partite negotiations. Khin Nyunt stood up after Nai Shwe Kyin's speech
in Rangoon and said "we don't want any third party", there is no need to talk
to the pro-democracy groups. If the NMSP goes along with the SLORC's demand
to not do business with the Thais, relations between the Mon and the Thais may
become more strained as well.
The ceasefire agreement has left many issues unresolved. Where the refugees
will be sent back to has not yet been decided, and most do not trust the SLORC.
The SLORC has not promised to stop using forced labor in the Mon State,
and there is no guarantee that human rights abuses will end. The SLORC has
also insisted that the Mons' political grievances cannot be resolved by the
SLORC as the SLORC is only a temporary caretaker government. How long
the ceasefire lasts, and, most importantly, whether conditions for the people
improve in Mon State, remains to be seen.
********************************
NCGUB: DR THAUNG HTUN'S SPEECH IN NEW YORK
October 27, 1995
posted by the NCGUB
INTERNATIONAL STUDENTS ACTION DAY ON BURMA,
ROUND TABLE MEETING, COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY
Presentation made by Dr. Thaung Htun, Central Executive Committe Member
of the All Burma Students' Democratic Front (ABSDF)
Dear Friends,
It is a great pleasure for me to talk to you about the situation in Burma and
why US investments should be withdrawn on this day of International Students
Action for Burma. I am so encouraged to know that more than 50 Universities
around the United States have organized similar meetings on this day. It is the
university campus activism that led to US Economic Sanction against the apartheid
regime in South Africa. It is the economic sanction that led to the apartheid regime
having dialogue with Nelson Mandela.
Today South African people can enjoy peace and freedom in a non-racial, democratic
society. It is a victory for international solidarity. It is the victory of human beings that
admire peace and freedom. Today, the US Administration's policy on Burma is, as yet,
not clear cut. Regarding investment, the Administration said it would not encourage
or discourage investment. In reality, the commerce section of the US Embassy in
Rangoon has been providing information to US businessmen in regard to the business
potential in Burma and US investment has been increasing. This is propping up the
Burmese military regime. The US has consistently been among Burma's SLORC
regime's top five foreign investors during the last few years. The activity we are
undertaking today is the starting point and I believe that it will create the
momentum capable of changing the present US policy on Burma.
Why should we impose sanctions on Burma ? Let me explain to you the situation
in Burma briefly. After the Nobel Peace Laureate and leader of the democracy
movement, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, was released from house arrest, the
international community looked at the situation with the hope that it might
lead to democratic change. As soon as she was released, Daw Aung San Suu
Kyi called for dialogue to resolve the political and economic crises in Burma.
However, the regime has yet to respond to her offer. We were very disappointed
to hear last Tuesday that SLORC's Election Commission has declared illegal the
reinstatement of Daw San Suu Kyi as the Secretary-General and U Tin Oo and U
Kyi Maung as Vice-Chairmen of the NLD. It is an obvious attempt by the SLORC
to interfere with the internal affairs of the NLD and we cannot accept it. It is the
first signal of a confrontational stance chosen by the SLORC in response to the
offer of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi for national reconciliation.
When we look at the human rights situation, we can see that it is actually getting
worse. There are still one thousand political prisoners including 16 elected MPs.
Political prisoners are subjected to various forms of torture such as beating, electric
shock, half drowning, solitary confinement, sleep deprivation and other forms
of inhumane and degrading punishment. Prison conditions are terrible. Prison
cells are crowded and enough food and medical care are not provided. The
recent report of Amnesty International exposed cases of death in prisons
because of torture, disease and malnutrition. In order to cover up the atrocities
SLORC denied access to the International Committee of Red Cross (ICRC).
Finally, ICRC decided to close its office in Burma in stating that they could
not work with the SLORC.
The worst abuse is the establishment of Labor Camps where prisoners are
forced to work on the construction of roads, railway lines and bridges.
Hundreds of prisoners are dying because of exhaustion, accidents on work
sites, malnutrition and diseases such as malaria and dysentery.
At this point, I would like to make a request to you. Min Ko Naing,
Chairman of the All Burma Federation of Students' Union (ABSFU), outlawed
by the regime after the coup in 1988, was arrested in 1989 and sentenced to
20 years imprisonment for his non-violent political activities. According to
the information of UN Human Rights Special Rapporteur, Yozo Yokota, he
is in bad psychological condition because of torture and long solitary
confinement. He should not be forgotten. We request that you launch a
campaign urgently for the release of Min Ko Naing.
Fundamental freedom of people such as freedom of expression, freedom
of association and freedom of assembly are severely restricted by unjust laws
and orders. SLORC's order 2/88 that prohibits the gathering of more than 5
persons still exists. Seven students including three female students were
arrested and sentenced for seven years imprisonment just because of singing
a popular democratic song Ka-ba-ma-kyae-bu ('the world won't not forgive')
at the funeral procession of U Nu, first Prime Minister of Independent Burma
on February, 20. That is just one example of the regime's intolerance to any
kind of dissent and it's readiness to crush by any means.
All media, television, and newspapers are totally controlled by SLORC.
Today, Burmese people have to rely on foreign radio services such as
Voice of America (VOA), British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) and
Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB), which is run by the National Coalition
Government of the Union of Burma from Oslo (Norway), for uncensored
news. After 1988, the military expanded its intelligence apparatus to ensure
thorough monitoring of the political situation and any political activities.
Criticism of the SLORC or Tatmadaw (Burmese Army) is regarded as a
crime and leads to harsh punishment. In such conditions, 44 million people
of Burma have to live. They live in a constant state of terror.
Intellectuals and students are mostly suppressed and restrictions are imposed
on academic freedom. Whenever a political movement led by students arises
in university campuses, the military responds with brute force, killing, arresting,
torturing and closing down universities for unlimited periods.
After the 1988 massacre, thousands of students and intellectuals ended up in
prisons or in exile. Thousands of students were dismissed from their institutes
of learning while thousands of teaching staff were dismissed from their jobs for
their involvement in the democracy movement.
When universities were reopened in 1991, teachers and professors were made
to wear military uniforms and to take refresher courses. SLORC policies,
security measures and surveillance methods to control possible student
activities, were taught to the teachers. Universities in Burma today resemble
concentration camps with military informers watching day to day activities.
Students' unions and educational workers' unions which re-emerged on the
eve of the pro-democracy movement in the summer of 1988 have been outlawed
since the military coup of that same year.
Since 1988, there has been an exodus of qualified teachers, and the educational
standard in universities has declined noticeably. The situation has been made
worse by the establishment of new regional colleges and the introduction
of a "long-distance learning system" for higher education designed to avoid
the concentration of students in major cities.
The departure for foreign countries of other professionals, such as doctors,
engineers and economists is also depleting human resources. Restrictions
on the freedom of academic expression; freedom of association of professional
organizations; and the lack of research facilities and seminars, exchange
programs, further studies, and free access to information on advanced technology
have also hindered the emergence of a new generation of intellectuals.
Another cause of human rights violations is the regime's discrimination against
ethnic minorities. SLORC is pursuing a policy of armed confrontation against
ethnic minorities. In the course of the military campaign against ethnic resistance
groups demanding equality and autonomy within the Federal Union, the
Tatmadaw commits various forms of human rights violations. Arbitrary arrests,
summary executions, torture, rape, forced porterage for the military and forced
reallocations. These violations are well known to and recorded by Human Rights
Watch and UN Human Rights Special Rapporteur.
In order to resolve the present political and economic crises in Burma, we
believe that the best means is substantive political dialogue between democratic
forces, led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, ethic leaders and SLORC. This is where
the role of the international community becomes critical if it is serious about
bringing about genuine changes and improvements in Burma. It needs to be
realised that SLORC will not enter into a dialogue unless the cost of not doing
so increases significantly. How can we increase the cost for SLORC of not e
ntering into such dialogue? Obviously, economic sanctions.
Whenever we raise the issue of economic sanctions, the counter argument from
some political circles is that unilateral sanctions by the United States won't
work without cooperation from other countries. I would like to say that this
idea is wrong. Why ? US investment in Burma is a substantial amount. US
Oil Company, UNOCAL, invested in a natural gas pipe line project which is
the SLORC's largest current and potential income generating scheme. Other
US Oil & Gas Companies, TEXACO and ARCO, are also huge investors,
having paid millions of dollars to the SLORC.
The SLORC has great hopes for investment projects and "Visit Myanmar Year
1996", however, little has come of it. SLORC remains deeply in debt with
low currency reserves and high inflation. They are, however, convinced that
they will get a steady income, US, $400 million a year, if the gas pipeline is
finished in 1998 as scheduled. US sanctions would end these investments
and it would probably not be worthwhile for other oil companies such as
France's Total, Britain's Premier and Japan's Nippon Oil to continue their
Burmese oil & gas investment without US companies. Hence, US unilateral
sanctions would be an effective tool that can have an impact on the SLORC.
The other argument used by many who oppose sanctions is that "sanctions
might hurt the general public". In the case of Burma, it is wrong. Income from
US investment (Oil & Gas companies) usually goes directly to the SLORC or
to various cronies of the military regime for example; Pepsico and Garment
Manufacturing. As foreign investment increases the military elite and their
cronies get richer and richer while ordinary people get poorer and poorer,
further, the instance of slavery and porterage has increased dramatically. US
Companies have employed few people in Burma and those employees usually
must have the approval of the regime. The majority of the population cannot
enjoy those job opportunities. The cancellation of US imports to Burma
through sanctions would have little impact on Burmese consumers as consumer
goods are largely imported to Burma through neighbours on an informal basis.
Most people in Burma are living in a subsistence agricultural economy, and
are not now using American goods.
In conclusion, we need your support in order to achieve that goal of
"Economic Sanction" against Burmese Military Regime. On behalf of students
and people of Burma, I would like to request that you extend your solidarity by:
. Writing letters to President Bill Clinton to impose sanction on Burma,
. Writing letters to Congressmen in your constituency to support the bill of
the "Free Burma Act" initiated by Senator Mitch McConnell,
. Writing letters to the Chairman of Senate/House Foreign Affairs Committee
to support above mentioned Bill,
. Writing letters to the CEOs of companies investing in Burma requesting
that they withdraw their investment and
. Writing letters to New York City Council members to support the "Selective
Purchasing Law" which would place a boycott products of companies doing
investment in Burma.
There is a Burmese Proverb "tayout-arr-nae-you-thaw-maya, ta-thaung-arr-nae
-you-thaw-ya-ee" (If the power of one fails, achieve it by the power of ten
thousand). I hope that all of you will agree to join in the ten thousands.
Thank you.
*********************
WEST BURMA GROUPS: COMBINED DECLARATION
Date: October 29, 1995
We, NLD / LA ( Western Region ),
ABSDF ( Foreign Affairs Department ),
FTUB ( West Burma ) and
WRWAB ( Women Rights and Welfare Association of Burma ),
make this combined declaration regearding with the October 27, the
" International Action Day for a Free Burma".
We are happy for hearing the news of a world-wide action for Burma's freedom.
The news we also like to inform to all other activists is we have been making
boycott actions against Corp., esp. the PEPSICO, supporting the SLORC.
We've been distributing leaflets, phamlets, posters and stickers propagating
that they also should boycott against that Corp. and support us for Burma's
freedom.
We are now planning for involvement of students' unions in and around our
region such as New Delhi. Although we still do not have a joint-action with
the student unions in our region, we do believe that they will join us as
we've been lobbying them.
Nowadays, we are distributing and sending the news of Burmese activists',
around the world, actions concerned with the October 27.
Today, we all are in a joint-hand for boycotting the un-ackowledged Corp.,
for step-down of SLORC,
for a national reconciliated Burma,
for a Democratic Burma.
Western Activists
***************************
ABSDF-DNA: DECLARATION OF THE ABSDF'S FOURTH CONFERENCE
October 20, 1995
The fourth conference of the All Burma Students Democratic Front
was successfully ended on October 20, 1995 at the student camp in the
liberated area. The 15-day conference which had its first session on October 5,
was attended by 69 representatives from the different student camps.
During the sessions of conference, representatives analyzed the
current political situation inside Burma and also adopted the future political
policy and military strategy of the front. The participants also amended and
adopted the organizations constitution and
military code of conducts based on the four Geneva Conventions.
The following aims and objectives were promulgated;
(1) to liberate the entire people of Burma from the suppression of
military dictatorship
(2) to achieve democracy and human rights
(3) to restore internal peace
(4) to emerge Federal Union of Burma.
The participants of the conference unanimously decided to
intensity their struggle
until these aims and objectives are achieved.
After the secret ballots, new Central Committee composed with 24
members and 3 reserved Central Committee members were elected. Naing Aung
was re-elected as the Chairman. Kyaw Kyaw was also re-elected as Vice-chairman.
Sai Myint Thu was elected general secretary while Myint Cho and Htay Aung
were named joint secretary (1) and (2).
ABSDF Conference strongly denounces the State Law and Order
Restoration Council (Slorc) for its responsibility for on-going human rights
violations and lack of democracy in Burma. ABSDF also gets aware of the
education, health and social crisis inside due to the cause of economic hardships.
ABSDF strongly believes that, in order to cure this crisis, military dictatorship
must end and democratic government with the people support must be restored in
Burma. The will of the people can be clearly seen in the 1990 elections when they
expressed their desire for restoration of democracy in their motherland.
To emerge towards a peaceful and developing country, it much
depends on whether Slorc wants to solve the political impasse by political means.
Thus, ABSDF supports the national reconciliation called by Daw Aung San Suu
Kyi to overcome the present political problems in Burma.
ABSDF also believes that national reconciliation with full
guaranty of the democratic and ethnic rights only can move towards the genuine and
long-lasting peace in Burma.
ABSDF strongly demands the comprehensive political dialogue
between Slorc, the democratic forces led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and ethnic forces
(both from the liberated areas and from inside Burma) and also believes that it is the
only means of proceeding with genuine national reconciliation in Burma.
ABSDF welcomes and is ready to cooperate with Slorc without any
suspicion if Slorc is sincere to work for genuine democratization for the sake
of the entire Burmese people.
Though ABSDF welcomes the peaceful solution to overcome the
political impasse, ABSDF will continue the struggle until the termination of the
military dictatorship in Burma by all means.
ABSDF warmly welcomes the commitment of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi for
the cause of democracy struggle since her release. ABSDF fully supports Daw
Aung San Suu Kyi and her leadership role as long as she is struggling for Burma and
its people.
ABSDF also urges to establish more unity and cooperation among
the democratic forces in order to build up the solidarity. ABSDF also will works with
full extend of its effort for the solidarity of ABSDF, among the students and all
opposition groups.
ABSDF strongly believes that, only with the participation of the
entire people, military dictatorship can be toppled down. ABSDF urged the
entire Burmese people to join actively in hands with the democratic forces in
the struggle for democracy and human rights in Burma.
ABSDF rewards the honor to the people have sacrificed their lives during
the struggle against the military dictatorships in Burma and notes their sacrifices.
ABSDF also expresses its gratitude to the people who are still
fighting for democracy and to the person, organizations and governments
who are supporting ABSDF physically and morally. With the support to our
organization, ABSDF will take more responsibility for its duty.
ABSDF also requests our friends to continue the support for the
struggle and urges to continue the effective pressure on Slorc internationally.
To show its sincerity for national reconciliation, Slorc must
take the following actions:
- to unconditionally release all political prisoners including Min Ko Naing.
- to stop the so-called National Convention.
- to abolish all unlawful acts and restrictions in Burma.
- to institute a nationwide cease-fire
-to start meeting with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi in the first stage and
announcing that they would agree to hold the tripartite meeting.
In conclusion, ABSDF would like to express its determination to
continue the struggle until the end of military dictatorship who are hindering the
peace and development in Burma.
********************************
NATION: EX-SOLDIER COINS MONEY WITH A TOURISM VENTURE
IN BURMA
October 29, 1995 by Yvan Cohen
With his company, Tour Mandalay, entrepreneur Khin Zaw Nichols in
one of Burma's new and increasingly affluent business class and a
metaphor for the changes taking place there. Yvan Cohen speaks to
him about the nascent tourism sector in the country.
RANGOON, Burma _ Khin Zaw Nichols is understandably proud of
his Mazda 929. In Burma, the luxurious Japanese sedan is the
ultimate s status symbol. "It used to belong to a minister," says
Nichols, as we glide past a traffic policeman who springs
suddenly to attention. "He still thinks here's a minister
inside," he chuckles, evidently flattered by the error.
A few minutes later we are at the Serenity bar, the preferred
meeting _lace, says Nichols, for the cream of Rangoon society.
In the shadows at the front of the bar, a Chinese-looking singer
croons in English, filling the air with the unmistakable rhythms
of a hit from the 1970s. In the short time it takes us to finish
our beer and chips, we have spent half the monthly wage of a government
civil servant. "It's on me," says Nichols, scooping up the bill.
Khin Zaw Nichols is one of Burma's new and increasingly affluent
business class. In many ways, the former soldier turned
entrepreneur is a metaphor for the changes taking place in the
country. "My background as a soldier has given me the discipline
and determination to make my business a success," says Nichols,
40, who enjoys telling visitors hat his grandfather was an adventurer
from England who came to Burma just before World War II. "Actually
my grandfather was originally Greek," he adds. "But an English family
adopted him and changed his name from Nicholas to Nichols."
In a country which has been ruled by the military since 1962,
joining the army has long been the career of choice for ambitious
young Burmese.
A graduate of Burma's Defense services Academy, Nichols left the
army in 1988 to become a civil servant at the Myanmar Export and
Import Service. In 1990, he transferred again, this time into the
government-owned company, Myanmar Travels and Tours where his
position as a manager in charge of sales and operations enabled
him to gain an early understanding of the potential of Burma's
nascent tourism sector.
Then, in 1992, not long after completing a course in Tourism
Planning and marketing at the West Flanders Economic Study Office
in Belgium, Nichols made his first foray into the private sector
as director and general manager of Golden Land Travel Services.
After just two years there, he broke away in October 1994 to set
up his own company called Tour Mandalay.
Occupying two floors of a narrow, rather dilapidated-looking
building in downtown Rangoon, Tour Mandalay seems unexceptional
in comparison with the multi-million dollar development going on
elsewhere in, the city. But it is emerging as one of' the city's
most dynamic travel businesses. Dressed in a traditional longyi
and collarless shirt and tunic, Nichlos preaches a modern
management approach. "I believe in profit sharing," says Nichols.
"All of my employees are given a small share in the company, that
way they feel responsible and motivated to see the company develop."
Currently Tour Mandalay has a staff of 51, all of whom are
personally trained by Nichols. "It's not just about grabbing the
biggest share of the market. If we want to be the best we need
high quality employees," says Nichols, who employs only
university graduates with diplomas from the Institute of Foreign
Languages in Rangoon.
With a fleet of 58 vehicles and three branch offices in Pagan, Mandalay
and Taunggyi, Tour Mandalay already deals with at least 26 international
tour operators from both Asian and Western markets. Nichols estimates
that his company handled around 20,000 travellers between October 1994
and July 1995 and he expects the numbers to keep rising. "We have between
10 and 20 percent of the market," he notes.
On the subject of politics, Nichols answers most questions with a
polite smile. In Burma, criticism of the ruling junta can be
dangerous to one's health and it is well known that government
informers are ubiquitous. "I like the lady though," ventures
Nichols cautiously, referring to Aung San Suu Kyi. "Her release
is a good thing for our country."
Even better, at least from Nichols' point of view, is the
government's decision to declare 1996, Visit Myanmar Year. He
expects his business to, grow by as much as 40 per cent.
Government forecasts predict that tourist arrivals will jump from
around 100,000 in 1995 to as many as 300,000 in 1996. However,
some analysts in Rangoon think the plan is premature, pointing
out that existing air services are only capable of bringing in
around 2,000 people per week (140,000 per year) and of some 16
hotel projects under construction in the capital, only two will
be completed in time for 1996.
For the new class of Rangoon businessmen like Nichols, the
concerns of international human right groups who condemn the
Burmese government for its use of forced labour in renovating
some tourist sites and continued detention of hundreds of
political prisoners, seem distant. For Nichols, SLORC's economic
reforms have opened up new horizons. "We are free to run our
businesses exactly as we like," he says. _ World News Link.
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INDIAN EXPRESS: MIZORAM JOINS INVESTMENT DRIVE, OFFERS
TAX HOLIDAY October 27, 1995 (slightly abridged)
>From : FTUB (West Burma)
New Delhi, Oct 27: Not to be left behind in the ongoing 'chase-the-investor'
campaign, tiny Mizoram has approached some corporate groups and leading
trade bodies to invest in its projects availing the tax holiday.
The Chief Minister, Mr Lal Thanhawla, recently approached the Confederation
of Indian Industries (CII), Federation of Indian Chambers and Commerce and
Industries (FICCI) and a number of business houses to come his remote State
to set up agro and forest-based industries and invest in hydel power projects.
The Chief Minister attributed Mizoram's economic backwardness to the
prolonged spell of insurgency in the State. Because of 20 years of
insurgency we were lagging behind others; our main task is to clear this
massive back-log," he said.
He said that despite the Center's announcement of a tax holiday for project
in the North-East and the state's high literacy rate hardly any industry had
come up in Mizoram.
"The work on the Lengpui airport project will be completed in about three
years times' and I am trying to bring the railhead to Aizawl; without good
communication links we have no hope of attraction investments," he said.
Mr Lal Thanhawla said he had drawn up a plan to make Mizoram a "model State"
by developing its industrial and human resources. The state government has
planned generation of about 1,000 mw of hydel power from its abundant water
resources over the next 1 years.
Apart from the airport, the State is going to have its first university and
an agriculture research institute in the next few years.
Flanked between Myanmar and Bangladesh, the State has welcomed border trade
among people across the frontiers. However, while Burma has responded
positively to across-the-border trade, Bangladesh has not reciprocated the
gesture.
The Center has already sanctioned rupees eight crore (80,000,000) for
building up infrastructure for a trade center at Champhai on the Indo-
Myanmar border.
Despite the State's political stability and peace since the Mizo accord
about a decade back, the issue of infiltration has of late caused social and
ethnic tension.
Mr La Thanhawla said that the task force in every Mizoram district had been
directed to identify the infiltrators from both Myanmar and Bangladesh and
deport them. He puts the total number of infiltrators in the State at around
45,000. "Foreigners are foreigners whether they are Myanmar or Bangladesh,"
the chief Minister remarked.
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