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Columbia students action day



INTERNATIONAL STUDENTS ACTION DAY ON BURMA, 
ROUND TABLE MEETING, COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY

27TH OCTOBER , 1995.

Presentation made by Dr. Thaung Htun, Central Executive Committe Member of 
the All Burma Students' Democratic Front (ABSDF) 


Dear Friends,

It is a great pleasure for me to talk  to you about the situation in Burma and why US investments should be withdrawn on this day of International Students Action for Burma. I am so encouraged to know that more than 50 Universities around the United Stat
es have organized similar meetings on this day. It is the university campus activism that led to US Economic Sanction against the apartheid regime in South Africa. It is the economic sanction that led to the apartheid regime having dialogue with Nelson M
andela.

Today South African people can enjoy peace and freedom in a non-racial, democratic society. It is a victory for international solidarity.  It is the victory of human beings that admire peace and freedom. Today, the US Administration's policy on Burma is,
 as yet, not clear cut.   Regarding investment, the Administration said it would not encourage or discourage investment. In reality, the commerce section of the US Embassy in Rangoon has been providing information to US businessmen in regard to  business
 potential in Burma and US investment has been increasing.  This is propping up the Burmese military regime. The US has consistently been among Burma's SLORC regime's top five foreign investors during the last few years. The activity we are undertaking t
oday is the starting point and I believe that it will create the momentum capable of changing the present US policy on Burma.

Why should we impose sanction on Burma ? Let me explain to you the situation in Burma briefly. 
After the Nobel Peace Laureate and leader of the democracy movement, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, was released from house arrest, the international community looked  at the situation with the hope that it might lead to democratic change. As soon as she was rele
ased, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi called for dialogue to resolve the political and economic crises in Burma. However, the regime has yet to respond to her offer. We were very  disappointed to hear last Tuesday that SLORC's Election Commission has declared illeg
al the reinstatement of Daw San Suu Kyi as the Secretary-General and U Tin Oo and U Kyi Maung as Vice-Chairmen of the NLD.   It is an obvious attempt by the SLORC to interfere with the internal affairs of the NLD and we cannot accept it.  It is the first
 signal of a confrontational stance chosen by the SLORC in response to the offer of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi for national reconciliation.

When we look at the human rights situation, we can see that it is actually getting worse. There are still one thousand political prisoners including 16 elected MPs. Political prisoners are subjected to various forms of torture such as beating, electric s
hock, half drowning, solitary confinement, sleep deprivation and other forms of inhumane and degrading punishment. Prison conditions are terrible. Prison Cells are crowded and enough food and medical care are not provided. The recent report of Amnesty In
ternational exposed  cases of death in prisons because of torture, disease and malnutrition. In order to cover up the atrocities SLORC denied access to the International Committee of Red Cross (ICRC). Finally, ICRC decided to close its office in Burma in
 stating that they could not work with the SLORC.

The worst abuse is the establishment of  Labor Camps where prisoners are forced to work on the construction of roads, railway lines and bridges. Hundreds of prisoners are dying because of exhaustion, accidents on work sites, malnutrition and diseases suc
h as malaria and dysentery.

At this point, I would like to make a request to you. Min Ko Naing, Chairman of the All Burma Federation of Students' Union (ABSFU), outlawed by the regime after the coup in 1988, was arrested in 1989 and sentenced to 20 years imprisonment for his non-vi
olent political activities. According to the information of UN Human Rights Special Rapporteur, Yozo Yokota, he is in bad Psychological condition because of torture and long solitary confinement. He should not be forgotten. We request that you  launch a 
campaign urgently for the release of Min Ko Naing.

Fundamental freedom of people such as freedom of expression, freedom of association and freedom of assembly are severely restricted by unjust laws and orders. SLORC's order 2/88 that prohibits the gathering of more than 5 persons still exists. Seven stud
ents including three female students were arrested and sentenced for seven years imprisonment just because of singing a popular democratic song Ka-ba-ma-kyae-bu  ('the world won't not forgive') at the funeral procession of U Nu, first Prime Minister of I
ndependent Burma on February, 20. That is just one  example of the regime's intolerance to any kind of dissent and it's readiness to crush by any means. 

All media, television, newspapers are totally controlled by SLORC. Today, Burmese people have to rely on Foreign radio services such as Voice of America (VOA), British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) and Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB), which is run by th
e National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma from Oslo (Norway), for uncensored news. After 1988, the military expanded its intelligence apparatus to ensure thorough monitoring of the political situation and any political activities. Criticism o
f the SLORC or Tatmadaw (Burmese Army) is regarded as crime and leads to harsh punishment. In such conditions, 44 million people of Burma have to live.  They live in a constant state of terror. 

Intellectuals and students are mostly suppressed and restrictions are imposed on academic freedom. Whenever a political movement led by students arises in university campuses, the military responds with brute force, killing, arresting, torturing and clos
ing down universities for unlimited periods.

After the 1988 massacre, thousands of students and intellectuals ended up in prisons or in exile. Thousands of students were dismissed from their institutes of learning while thousands of teaching staff were dismissed from their jobs for their involvemen
t in the democracy movement.  

When universities were reopened in 1991, teachers and professors were made to wear military uniforms and to take refresher courses.  SLORC policies, security measures and surveillance methods to control possible student activities, were taught to the tea
chers. Universities in Burma today resemble concentration camps with military informers watching day to day activities. 

Students' unions and educational workers' unions which re-emerged on the eve of the pro-democracy movement in the summer of 1988 have been outlawed since the military coup of that same year.

Since 1988, there has been an exodus of qualified teachers, and the educational standard in universities has declined noticeably. The situation has been made worse by the establishment of new regional colleges and the introduction of a "long-distance lea
rning system" for higher education designed to avoid the concentration of students in major cities.

The departure for foreign countries of other professionals, such as doctors, engineers and economists is also depleting human resources. Restrictions on the freedom of academic expression; freedom of association of professional organizations; and the lac
k of research facilities and seminars, exchange programs, further studies, and free access to information on advanced technology have also hindered the emergence of a new generation of intellectuals.

Another cause of human rights violations is the regime's discrimination against ethnic minorities. SLORC is pursuing a policy of armed confrontation against ethnic minorities. In the course of the military campaign against ethnic resistance groups demand
ing equality and autonomy within the Federal Union, the Tatmadaw commits various forms of human rights violations. Arbitrary arrests, summary executions, torture, rape, forced porterage for the military and forced reallocations.  These violations are wel
l known to and recorded by Human Rights watch and UN Human Rights Special Rapporteur.

In order to resolve the present political and economic crises in Burma, we believe that the best means is substantive political dialogue between democratic forces, led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, ethic leaders and SLORC. This is where the role of the intern
ational community becomes critical if it is serious about bringing about genuine changes and improvements in Burma.   It needs to be realised that SLORC will not enter into a dialogue unless the cost of not doing so increases significantly. How can we in
crease the cost for SLORC of not entering into such dialogue? Obviously,  economic sanction.

Whenever we raise the issue of economic sanctions, the counter argument from some political circles is that unilateral sanctions by the United States won't work without cooperation from other countries. I would like to say that this idea is wrong.  Why ?
 US investment in Burma is a substantial amount. US Oil Company, UNOCAL, invested in a natural gas pipe line project which is the SLORC's largest current and potential income generating scheme. Other US Oil & Gas Companies, TEXACO and ARCO, are also huge
 investors, having paid millions of dollars to the SLORC. 

The SLORC has great hopes for investment projects and "Visit Myanmar Year 1996", however,  little has come of it.  SLORC remains deeply in debt with low currency reserves and high inflation. They are, however, convinced that they will get a steady income
,  US, $400 million a year, if the gas pipeline is finished in 1998 as scheduled. US sanctions would end these investments and it would probably not be worthwhile for other oil companies such as France's Total, Britain's Premier and Japan's Nippon Oil to
 continue their Burmese oil & gas investment without US companies.   Hence,  US unilateral sanctions would be an effective tool that can have an impact on the SLORC.

The other argument used by many who oppose sanctions is that "sanctions might hurt the general public". In the case of Burma, it is wrong. Income from US investment (Oil & Gas companies) usually goes directly to the SLORC or to various cronies of the mil
itary regime for example; Pepsico and Garment Manufacturing. As foreign investment increases the military elite and their cronies get richer and richer while ordinary people get poorer and poorer, further, the instance of slavery and porterage has increa
sed dramatically. US Companies have employed few people in Burma and those employees usually must have the approval  of the regime.  The majority of the population cannot enjoy those job opportunities. The cancellation of US imports to Burma through sanc
tions would have little impact on Burmese consumers as consumer goods are largely imported to Burma through neighbours on an informal basis.  Most people in Burma are living in a subsistence agricultural economy, and are not now using American goods.  
 
In conclusion, we need your support in order to achieve that goal of "Economic Sanction" against Burmese Military Regime. On behalf of students and people of Burma, I would like to request that you extend your solidarity by:
	
 . Writing letters to President Bill Clinton to impose sanction on Burma,

 . Writing letters to Congressmen in your constituency to support the bill of "Free Burma Act" initiated by Senator Mitch  McConnell,

 . Writing letters to Chairman of Senate/House Foreign Affairs Committee to support above mentioned Bill,

 . Writing letters to CEO of companies investing in Burma requesting that they withdraw their investment and

 . Writing letters to New York City Council members to support the "Selective Purchasing Law" which would place a boycott products of companies doing investment in Burma.

There is a Burmese Proverb "tayout-arr-nae-you-thaw-maya, ta-thaung-arr-nae-you-thaw-ya-ee" (If the power of one fails,  achieve it by the power of ten thousand).I hope that all of you will agree to join in that ten thousands.

Thank you.