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BurmaNet News October 15, 1995
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"Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies"
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The BurmaNet News: October 15, 1995
Issue# 251
HEADLINES:
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REUTER: TOURISM IN BURMA A DOBBLE-EDGED SWORD
REUTER: BURMA TEAM TO SEEK SINGAPORE TOURISM INVESTMENT
REUTER: VIETNAM AND BURMA TO SIGN AIR SERVICES ACCORD
INDEPENDENT ANALYSIS: THE NEW WORLD ORDER IN SEA/BURMA
S.H.A.N.: KHUN SA STILL RESPECTED
AI: MYANMAR - CONDITIONS IN PRISONS AND LABOUR CAMPS
FBC: RIGOBERTA MENCHU ENDORSES SANCTIONS AGAINST SLORC
FBC: PRESS RELEASE - CALL FOR ACTIONS (OCTOBER 27, 1995)
ANNOUNCEMENT: MAILING LIST FOR OCT. 27 FOLKS.
ANNOUNCEMENT: MYANVIEW FROM INST. OF SEASIAN STUDIES (ISEAS)
ANNOUNCEMENT: ALL BURMA YOUNG MONKS' UNION (ARAKAN)
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REUTER: TOURISM IN BURMA A DOBBLE-EDGED SWORD
October 9, 1995 by Sonya Hepinstall
PAGAN, Burma, Oct 9 (Reuter) - Aung is hitching his horse cart and his
fortunes to ``Visit Myanmar Year 1996''.
The 18-year-old, the second bread-winner in his family, long ago had to
abandon his dreams of continuing his education. Tourism is his ticket to a
better future now.
His horsecart, one of 160 licensed to take tourists around the famed
temple complexes of Pagan, belongs to his farmer grandfather, who bought it
for 75,000 kyat -- $650 at the more realistic black market rate but
officially $12,500 -- and who takes 70 percent of Aung's daily income.
With the tourists the government expects to draw to Burma, or Myanmar, in
1996, Aung hopes to save enough to buy the cart himself -- a hefty forecast
in a country where average per capita income is estimated at less than $300
and a civil servant earns below $20 a month.
Everyone in Burma, it seems, is trying to figure out how they can get
even a crumb from the tourism pie, from the market stall owner planning to
pre-package traditional cornhusk cigars to the powerful general renovating a
former state hotel.
But for many Burmese and some visitors, tourism is a double-edged sword.
How many of those tourism dollars are going to ordinary people and to
sustained development in one of the world's poorest countries, and how much
to prop up an unpopular military regime? And at what price?
Burma's biggest asset is its incredible cultural and historical diversity, from
the experience of modern Buddhism in practice at the Shwedagon and Mahamuni
temples in Rangoon and Mandalay, to the remnants of colonial life in old British
hill stations like Maymyo, to the 11th century ruins of Pagan.
So there are few reasons why the tourism promotion should fail, with the
government doing everything it can to encourage tourism and with even those
sceptical Burmese seemingly unable to supress their natural hospitality.
Government projections are for as many as 300,000 tourists in 1996, up
from 61,000 in 1993-94.
The regulation that all tourists must change $300 into ``foreign exchange
certificates'' for use at hotels and travel services is rarely, if ever,
enforced. Exchanging money on the black market rather than at the official
six kyat to the dollar rate is ludicrously routine.
``We were afraid because we thought we would be bothered by
administrative problems,'' said one French tourist, travelling to Pagan via a
leisurely 13-hour boat ride from Mandalay. ``But when we arrived it was very
easy, there were practically no controls,'' she said.
Travel in the more remote parts of Burma, long restricted on the grounds
that ethnic minority insurgencies made certain areas dangerous, has been
opened to tourists since the government signed ceasefires with all but a few
of the groups.
Visitors expecting a dour police state will also be pleasantly surprised.
People are open to contact with foreigners and love to talk -- as long as
it's not about politics.
For many Burmese, an increase in tourism will mean more business and
perhaps more opportunities, especially for those whose livelihood is
connected to the industry.
``More tourism means more development,'' said Go Zaw, 35, a drinks seller
on the road to Maymyo from Mandalay.
But there's an insidious flip side.
Hotel industry sources say that out of 44 state-run hotels in 1990, only
five remain nationwide, looking sadly out-of-date beside their
newly-renovated cousins.
``By the time of Visit Myanmar Year, all the hotels will be privatised,''
said one state-run hotel employee. ``Nowadays we have to compete... With all
the tourists, the management must be changed.''
Questions about the ownership of a few hotels reveals, however, that
often only the military and a few wealthy individuals have the funds and
connections for such operations.
Sources at the town-level confirm what Western human rights groups have
long said, that labour behind some projects to upgrade roads and other
infrastructure is forced and unpaid.
In Pagan, the entire original village was forcibly moved some miles
(kilometres) south in 1990, at least partly because of fears of what the
combined impact of increased tourism and continued village development would
have on the temples.
A February 1988 United Nations/World Tourism Organisation report often
cited as having recommended such a move had in fact said only that another
town centre would soon be necessary.
These days in nearby Nyaung-oo the road is continually being widened for
the hoped-for onslaught, forcing residents and shopowners to rebuild,
reportedly at their own expense.
``It is difficult to feel this situation,'' the French tourist said.
``Everyone seems so friendly and happy. Not too many people complain.''
***********************************
REUTER: BURMA TEAM TO SEEK SINGAPORE TOURISM INVESTMENT
October 10, 1995
SINGAPORE, - Senior Burmese government officials will
visit Singapore on October 16 to seek private sector investments in tourism
infrastructure development, Singapore said on Tuesday.
The delegation, to be led by Burmese Deputy Minister for Hotels and
Tourism Tin Aye, will speak at a seminar to be jointly organised by the
Singapore Trade Development Board (TDB) and the Singapore-Myanmar
International Leisure Enterprise.
The TDB said that so far about US$600 million in total foreign investment
has gone into the construction of 17 hotels in Burma, mainly in the capital
Rangoon.
``Besides the construction of hotels, Myanmar (Burma) is eager for
Singapore to invest in the building of roads, communication and
transportation facilities, ports and airports, and in the setting up of
travel agencies,'' TDB deputy chief executive officer David Chin said in a
statement.
The Burmese government, placing top priority on tourism development, is
offering incentives for foreign direct investment, the TDB said.
Singapore, Burma's second largest investor behind the United Kingdom, had
invested some US$528 million as at end August, the TDB said. Of this, some
US$279 million was invested in tourism projects with the rest in agro business,
mining and manufacturing.
**************************
REUTER: VIETNAM AND BURMA TO SIGN AIR SERVICES ACCORD
October 10, 1995
HANOI, - Vietnam and Burma are expected to sign an air services agreement
on Friday, the Civil Aviation Authority of Vietnam (CAAV) announced on Tuesday.
The news was contained in a CAAV press release. It gave no further details.
However, a senior Burmese diplomat in Hanoi told Reuters the agreement
would cover flights involving the two national carriers Vietnam Airlines and
Rangoon's Myanmar Airlines.
``Relations (between Vietnam and Burma) have been developing in recent
years,'' he said. ``We are close, so we should have air links, not only for tourism,
but for business as well,'' he added.
The diplomat said no date had been set for the inauguration of direct
flights between the two Southeast Asian countries, but he expected it to be
soon. At present, air travel between Vietnam and Burma involves changing
flights at Bangkok.
It was not clear who would sign the accord on the Vietnamese side, but
the diplomat said Burma's ambassador to Hanoi would initial the agreement on
behalf of Rangoon.
*******************************
INDEPENDENT ANALYSIS: THE NEW WORLD ORDER
IN SOUTHEAST ASIA AND BURMA
By Chao-Tzang Yawnghwe
- A Ph.D. candidate at the University of British Columbia, who is writing his
dissertation on military intrusion into politics in Burma, Thailand and Indonesia.
He also teaches in the Political Science Department at Simon Fraser University.
With the collapse of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and Cory Aquino's earlier
people's power revolution, it indeed seemed that the world, and Southeast
Asia too, would be shaped by economic and political freedom, i.e., by the
free market economy and "middle class" democracy. The 1988 uprising in
Burma which toppled Ne Win's one-man rule seemed part of a global
democratization process.
Quite unexpectedly, however, outside actors -- Singapore, China, and the
Thai military -- stepped in to shore up the new military junta, SLORC (State
Law and Order Restoration Council), which emerged to forestall bloodily the
rollback of authoritarianism. This was followed in 1989 by an equally
bloody Dengist rollback of the democratization aspirations of the Chinese
people. Since then, there has been solidified what could be called a "free
market, authoritarian front" of Chinese and ASEAN leaders and governments.
The line pushed by the powerful front is that economic development must be
(and can be ) achieved without the contamination of such "Western" notions
as human rights and individual freedoms, genuine people's sovereignty,
public constraints of rulers, etc. The clash between capitalist
authoritarianism and capitalist democracy is precisely what Samuel
Huntington's coming "clash of civilizations" scenario is all about.
The point to note is that the clash appears "cultural" only because culture,
instead of the communist threat, is now being used to defend authoritarian
rule. In substance, the Chinese-ASEAN authoritarian development model,
shorn of its cultural icings, can be seen as nothing less than an attempt by
authoritarian leaders to prevent a rollback of authoritarianism -- now
justified on cultural grounds.
The clash between authoritarianism and democracy is made more complex by the
economic success of "Asian" authoritarianism, particularly in China (and by
the "Asian dragons"), and the economic decline of democracies. The
perception of the West's economic decline has in turn unleashed a "cultural
war" especially in the United States, whereby structures of democratic
capitalism have come under increasing attack by conservatives as obstructing
"wealth makers" (and "job-creators") and as the "coddling" of unenterprising
elements, i.e., the poor, the minorities (including immigrants, illegal and
otherwise), welfare recipients, and so on.
>From a wider theoretical perspective, it seems that the collapse of
communism has impelled authoritarian regimes to come up with a new paradigm
in defence of authoritarianism. In this connection, there can be discerned
a congruence of interest between national rulers and powerful, extranational
economic actors to contain democracy, perhaps because democracy gives the
powerless the capacity to "obstruct" profit-taking (on a global-regional
scale). A possible outcome of such a congruence of interest could be the
transformation of national governments into "executive committees" (to quote
Marx) of extranational entrepreneurs and investors, not only in the "Third
World" and the former communist bloc, but even in the West as well.
The above trend is a global one, and it is unfortunate that Burma is now an
arena where the opening battle of the global war between efficient
wealth-making (espoused by authoritarian rulers and conservatives) and
democratic capitalism (aspired to by the ruled) is being fought. In Burma,
the battle is an unequal one since external support for democratic
capitalism is, to quote a famous playwright, "all sound and fury, signifying
nothing," whereas support for SLORC has been significant since it has
fulfilled the role expected of national governments of the post-cold war,
new world order: as an executive committee for extranational
wealth-accumulators and profit-takers.
**********************************
S.H.A.N.: KHUN SA STILL RESPECTED
Muangmai, 12 October 1995
Given the increasing assertion of power by the newly set-up Central Executive
Committee, Khun Sa may well have thought he no longer played an important role.
However, the large numbers of people who came to pay their respects to him at
his residence in Homong during the annual "paying respect" ceremony at the end
of Buddhist Lent suggest otherwise.
When S.H.A.N. asked visitors why they had come to the ceremony, the answer
varied. One typical answer was : Zao Khun Sa may feel we have forgotten him, now
that the leadership has gone to the CEC. This is one way to show him that he's
wrong and we still remember his contributions to the Shan people's resistance.
Another said : When the chips are down, when everything seems to be lost, Khun
Sa is the one we can count on to fight to the last. I think he deserves the
respect we are paying him.
In his short speech given during the ceremony, Khun Sa, 61, thanked his guests
for remembering him. " With the victorious repulse of the Wa onslaught, we have
recovered from the shock Karnyord's treachery has brought us, " he said. He
pledged that whatever position he held, he would not break his vow to free the
Shan State.
He also disclosed to them the reports he had just received from the CEC that
hundreds of Lahu who had fought alongside the Wa until recently had decided to
join hands with the Mong Tai Army .
CEC spokesman Khun Duan Saengkham revealed further details to S.H.AN. :
"it was on Monday (October 9) that they came over." The reason was given that :
"They were dissatisfied with the Was' treatment of the Lahu, especially with regards
to their leader Saulu, who has been under detention since May. "
S.H.A.N. has since confirmed that 300 Lahu have come over to the M.T.A. Their
military chief Sara Mala revealed that their Vice-President Ja U was stranded in
the states.
Khun Duan Saengkham commented : "By now, it should be cleared to Pangsang (the
Wa capital) how futile the civil war is between us. Our offer for a ceasefire and
negotiated settlement is a long-standing one. I hope they will contact our
people soon."
*******************
AI: MYANMAR - CONDITIONS IN PRISONS AND LABOUR CAMPS
SEPTEMBER 1995
INTRODUCTION
Amnesty International has recently received new information about
appalling conditions in labour camps and prisons in Myanmar.
Unofficial sources have provided details about the treatment of
prisoners, including torture, prolonged shackling, lack of proper
medical care, and insufficient food. Torture techniques include
beatings, sometimes to the point of unconsciousness; being forced to
crawl over sharp stones; and being held in the hot sun for prolonged
periods. Such practices are used by Myanmar's security forces to
punish and intimidate prisoners. Conditions in labour camps are so
harsh that hundreds of prisoners have died as a result. Many
prisoners who have been forced to work as porters for the army have
also died as a result of ill-treatment.
In the material which follows, Amnesty International has omitted
details which could identify imprisoned individuals, for fear of
placing them at even greater risk of torture and ill-treatment. Most of
the information below concerns Insein Prison, Myanmar's largest
detention facility, where at least 800 political prisoners are held along
with thousands of people imprisoned under criminal charges. Insein
Prison is located in the outskirts of Yangon (Rangoon, the capital).
Thousands of other political prisoners are held in prisons throughout
the country; however it is much more difficult to obtain information
about conditions in these facilities.
PRISON CONDITIONS
Political prisoners are evidently subjected to torture during both the
initial interrogation period and after they have been sentenced. Once
imprisoned, they can be summoned at any time during the day or
night by Military Intelligence (MI) personnel, who maintain a
permanent presence in Insein Prison. MI wear the same uniform as
that worn by prison staff, and conduct investigations of political
prisoners on a regular basis. They interrogate prisoners in an office
known as the "Prison Kampetei Office" (An apparent reference to
practices of the Kampetei, the Japanese military police who subjected
prisoners to torture and ill-treatment during World War II.), place
them in leg irons, and punish them with beatings, sometimes to the
point of unconsciousness.
Political prisoners who break arbitrary and harsh prison rules are
subjected to harsh punishments, including torture and severe ill -
treatment. Even the possession of almost any reading material is a
punishable offence under prison rules. Political prisoners are liable to
be sent to "police dog cells", where police dogs are normally kept, or
to other cells where they are subjected to beatings and placed in leg -
irons made of chains or of an iron rod between the feet. One political
prisoner was reportedly punished by the imposition of leg irons for
one week because he cooked some curry. Another prisoner was kept
in shackles in the "police dog cells" for two months because he was
found with a piece of paper. Other punishments include being kept in
the sun in temperatures over 100 degrees Fahrenheit (40 degrees
Centigrade) and being forced to crawl on the ground over sharp stones.
Male prisoners are also subjected to humiliating practices such as
being forced to answer questions using a self-deprecating form of
address. If they do not answer in such a manner they are beaten.
These practices occur in Block 5, which was opened recently, and is
now commonly referred to as the "Women's Block", because of the
form of address prisoners are forced to use. Some prisoners are
denied visiting rights from relatives as another form of punishment.
Prisoners in Myanmar are also subjected to severe overcrowding,
conditions which constitute cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment.
Three to four prisoners are held in small cells measuring 8 by 12 feet
(2.6 by 3 metres) for more than 20 hours a day. They are fed on an
inadequate diet of a thin soup of pulses or vegetables, supplemented
with a small piece of fish only once a week. Medical treatment is
only provided when an illness has reached a severe stage. Political
prisoners are not allowed to communicate with one another and are
often held in solitary confinement. MI officials transfer political
prisoners at will to remote prisons where their families cannot visit
and provide them with additional food and medicine.
Political prisoners are generally only allowed to meet with their
families after they have been sentenced, and then only for 15 minutes
every two weeks; before that time they are held in incommunicado
detention. Guards are present throughout the family meetings, and
often take notes. Although families can bring food and medicines to
their relatives, such supplies are sometimes confiscated by prison
authorities. Political prisoners are also forbidden most reading and all
writing materials, and are not allowed to send or receive letters. Religious
tracts which have received prior approval are sometimes allowed.
Amnesty International is aware that torture and ill - treatment occurs
in other prisons. One recently - released Mon farmer who had been
arrested for alleged connections with the New Mon State Party
(NMSP) was held with many other political prisoners in one
overcrowded room. He told Amnesty International:
"I was not allowed to see my family while in prison. If the family
sent food, the prison warder would take it all ... All prisoners were
taken to work on the road ... At the prison I was forced to dig an
underground pit for body discharges. "
He was held in Mawlamylne (Moulmein) prison while serving a three
year sentence handed down by a military tribunal. Before his trial in
1991, he said that he had been severely tortured.
DEATHS IN CUSTODY OF POLITICAL PRISONERS
Since September 1988 Amnesty International has recorded the deaths
of 15 political prisoners in custody, many of whom died from disease
after inadequate medical attention. Recently the organization has
learned of the deaths of two more political prisoners. U Dhamma
Wara Seit - Dhi, a 51 - year-old monk from Mandalay, reportedly
died from malnutrition and malaria on 18 November 1994. He had
been arrested for his participation in the 1988 - 89 pro-democracy
movement and sentenced to five years' hard labour in the Kachin
State. Hundreds of monks were arrested for their role in protest
demonstrations and scores are believed to be still detained. After
working on a road in a malarial area, U Dhamma Wara Seit - Shi
died after repeated attacks of malaria.
U Kin Sein, in his 50's, died in Insein Prison in early 1995 of an
unknown disease. He was reportedly arrested in December 1990 and
sentenced to seven years' imprisonment under Section 5j of the
Emergency Provisions Act. A member of the Prome township
People's Progressive Party, he was also a businessman. Amnesty
International is concerned at recurrent reports of deaths in custody in
Myanmar's prisons, and calls on the SLORC to ensure that prisoners
receive proper medical care and food.
LABOUR CAMPS AND FORCED PORTERING
The SLORC has publicly acknowledged the fact that those convicted
of criminal offences participate in labour projects. However the
military authorities characterize such work as voluntary. A 13 July
Myanmar Television broadcast reported a 7 July speech given by
Lieutenant General Khin Nyunt:
"The SLORC has reduced by one third the sentences of those
convicted persons who have contributed volunteer labour at the
various state development project sites ... Lieutenant General Khin
Nyunt notified that altogether 38,753 convicted persons have been
released during the SLORC's tenure of government. This shows the
national government's flexibility and humanity ...
While Amnesty International recognizes that there are prisoners who
volunteer for work projects in order to reduce their sentences, it
remains concerned at current reports of thousands of common
criminals who have been forced to work under extremely harsh
conditions. Such prisoners are subjected to even worse treatment than
political prisoners.
They are taken to labour camps established to construct infrastructure
projects such as road building, often shortly after they have been
imprisoned. Apparently prisoners can avoid going to such camps, or
can be sent to camps which are less harsh if they can pay a large bribe
to prison officials. Such bribes range from 5,000 kyats to 30,000
kyats. (Six kyats, Myanmar's official currency, is equivalent to about
one US dollar; however unofficial rates are over 100 kyats to the US
dollar.) Most prisoners are unable to pay such bribes, and are then
sent to labour camps.
Forced labour frequently entails prisoners breaking rocks for road
building for long hours. Prisoners are subjected to beatings and do
not receive adequate food or sleep. Many of them are injured or
killed when rocks are blasted with dynamite. Female prisoners are
also forced to undertake labour projects in special all-women camps
which have been designated by the authorities. Elderly and sick
people and even handicapped people are placed in leg irons and
forced to work. Health problems, such as malnutrition, dysentery,
and malaria are common. Hundreds of prisoners have reportedly died
as a result of disease and ill - treatment. Conditions on the Yangon to
Mandalay road are so severe that prisoners working there have a saying:
"If the corpses of prisoners who lost their lives working on the
Yangon to Mandalay express highway are lined up it would be longer
than the mileage of the road already completed."
Reprisals are swift for those prisoners who attempt to escape from the
camps, and have included extrajudicial killings. At the end of 1994
two prisoners who tried to flee from the Yangon to Mandalay Road
construction, also known as "the Road of No Return", were reportedly
shot and killed at close range. One other was hacked to death with a
hoe and the remaining seven in the group were severely injured.
Amnesty International has obtained information about nine labour
camps throughout Myanmar, including details of the number of
reported deaths. About 500 prisoners work in each camp. Reports
providing details of such information are summarized below:
Location Number Of Other Information
Reported
Deaths Of Prisoners
Kabaw Valley, reported 300 died opened February 1992
Western from first group of
Myanmar 500 -, reported 200
died from second group
Ywtingan - 400 prisoners opened September 1992;
Hanmyinmo reportedly combined stone quarry and
Road, died within one road construction
Sagaing month
Division
Taungzuri/ a reported 30% of
Mopalin prisoners have died
Quarry, Mon State
Pinlaung - 400 prisoners died road construction
Pyinmanain four months in camps
Road, Shan Shwenyaung -
State - Namsan camp
Central Myanmar
Aungban - Loikaw
Road, Shan
Kayah (Karenni) State
Shwenvaung -
Namsan Road,
Shan State
Myitkyina - not known extremely harsh
Sumprabom conditions
Road and bad weather
Myitkyina -
Shibwe
Lawkhaung Road
(all Kachin State)
Yangon -
Mandalay not known widespread malaria
Highway
construction
Yezin - Htonbo not known only female prisoners
Quarry, work there
south of Mandalay
Myelk -
Kawthaung many reported not known
Road deaths due
Kawthaung to disease
Airport Extension,
Tanintharyi
(Tenasserim) Division
Tuntay
(Shwethahtay) not known near Yangon; reportedly
Camp best conditions
Tuntay Piggery
Phaunggyi
Piggery, all
near Yangon
Some of those who have been injured in labour camps are brought
back to Insein Jail hospital. They suffer from broken legs, hands and
backs, malnutrition, malaria, and communicable diseases which they
have contracted because of the extremely harsh conditions under
which they are held. However those prisoners who are returned to
Insein Prison are the lucky ones -- an unknown number of other
prisoners have died during their forced labour and porter duties. The
death rate in labour camps is in the hundreds. Apparently many of
these prisoners are homeless young people who are arrested for
vagrancy and imprisoned for one year.
Convicted criminals are also forced to act as porters during military
operations by the tatmadaw, the Myanmar army, in counter -
insurgency activities against armed ethnic minority groups. The
practice of seizing civilians for porter duty by the tatmadaw is
routine, and ill - treatment is common. Members of ethnic minorities
are most frequently taken because they are living in areas of armed
insurgency. However civilians from all over Myanmar, including
criminal prisoners, are also seized and moved to such areas to act as
porters. Porters are often deprived of food, receive no medical
attention, and are beaten if they cannot carry their load of ammunition
or food any longer. Some are left to die by the side of the road.
Amnesty International opposes the practice of forced portering in all
cases, whether civilians are ill-treated or not.
CONCLUSION
Torture has been routine in Myanmar's prisons for many years, and
has increased dramatically since the imprisonment of thousands of
political prisoners beginning in 1988. Amnesty International opposes
the torture and ill - treatment of prisoners in all cases. Such practices
are in direct contravention of international standards, including the
Declaration on the Protection of all Persons from Being Subjected to
Torture and other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or
Punishment. Ill-treatment and inhumane prison conditions are also in
contravention of The Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of
Prisoners, adopted by the First UN Congress on the Prevention of
Crime and the Treatment of Offenders, held in Geneva, Switzerland,
in 1955.
RECOMMENDATIONS
Amnesty International urges the State Law and Order Restoration
Council (SLORC, Myanmar's military Government) to take the
following steps to ensure that the practice of torture and ill-treatment
of prisoners is eliminated:
1. Initiate an immediate investigation into all prison practices and
procedures at Insein Prison and all other detention facilities.
2. Bring those found responsible for torture and ill - treatment to
justice.
3. Ensure that prison conditions and practices are brought into
conformity with the UN Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment
of Prisoners, including the prohibition of beatings, and the provision
of adequate food and medical care.
4. Allow proper access to all political prisoners by the International
Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), including permission to conduct
private interviews and follow - up visits.
5. Ensure that all prison labour is not punitive in nature and abolish
the practice of forced pottering of all civilians.
6. Allow independent human rights monitors to visit Myanmar's
prisons and meet privately with political prisoners.
**********************************
FBC: RIGOBERTA MENCHU ENDORSES SANCTIONS AGAINST SLORC
October 6, 1995 from the Free Burma Coalition at the University of Wisconsin
Last night the Union Theatre on Wisconsin campus was filled to its
capacity (over 1,000) when 1992 Nobel Peace Laureate R. Menchu spoke.
She was one of the Nobel Laureates who went to Thailand and Burma to
lobby on ASSK's behalf and to meet the indigenous people such as the
Karens, and Mons in the border areas. She did mention about her trip to
Burma, and meeting with Karens and Mons. She spoke through an interpreter.
Free Burma Coalition asked her position on the multinationals,
destruction of indigenous communities, and business with repressive
regimes pointing out Burma as an example case. (Obviously our motive was
to have her say something about sanctions and corporations publicly. We
were told she endorsed the sanctions but couldn't dig up her previous
statement, so the question-answer period really helped.)
The question we asked was "in the name of economic development (and
business), corporations, especially from the US, come in and do business
with highly corrupt and repressive regimes in the so-called third world.
For instance, in my country, Burma, which you visited a few years back,
American corporations do business with the authoritarian regime and
pursue economic projects that lead to the destruction of indigenous
communities and that encourage the regime (i.e., Slorc) to disregard the
rights of indigenous people. Have you had a similar experience in
Guatemala? What is your position on this?
In answering three similar questions, that used different examples,
Menchu said the following:
"Multinationals have no ethical codes. Their purpose is to make a profit
and their main concern is not people. They don't care about people. I
believe in sanctions against repressive regimes that deserve sanctions."
RELATED NEWS -
We're distributing videotapes on slave labor, destruction of
indigenous communities, UNOCAL pipeline project, and ASSK's ABC Nightline
Show to our organizers. Send $10 check (Payable to Free Burma Coalition)
to us in Madison. It's almost free considering the time, and labor that
we put in in putting together all three documentaries in one tape.) The
address is Free Burma Coalition (UW-Madison) c/o Department of Curriculum
and Instruction, 225 North Mills St. Madison, WI 53706
We are hoping to see the major Total-boycott in France, as our
French-connection is fired up for the Oct. 27, and he'll drum up the
people there who are angry at their own government.
FBC (U-Wisconsin)
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FBC: PRESS RELEASE - CALL FOR ACTIONS (OCTOBER 27, 1995)
Please feel free to use this press release and tailor it to your particular
community.
INTERNATIONAL STUDENT ACTION DAY FOR A FREE BURMA
U.S. Corporations (can be substituted with the phrase "Japanese,
British, etc...investors" depending on your localities) Profit from
Slave Labor and Oppression in Burma
On October 27, 1995 Burma activists around the world will initiate
strategies to terminate corporate funding of the State Law and Order
Restoration Council (SLORC), Burma's military dictatorship.
Burma is a Southeast Asian nation of 40 million people held hostage at
gunpoint by SLORC armed criminals. The United Nations, Amnesty International,
and Human Rights Watch call SLORC one of the major human rights violators in
the world.
Since seizing power in 1988, SLORC has murdered thousands of
pro-democracy activists, supporters of the country's popular democracy
movement, and ethnic minorities while embracing trade with the
international investors.
In its economic projects, SLORC uses forced labor--conscripting villagers
against their wills, without pay, to carry supplies for the army and to
construct roads, railways, airports and hotels. Often entire villages
are set on fire by SLORC troops, indigenous communities forcibly
relocated in order to make way for new economic projects.
In May 1990, SLORC held elections in part to appease the international
community and in part because it believed the military-backed party, the
National Unity Party, would win. When the popular National League for
Democracy (NLD) won a landslide victory, SLORC simply ignored the
election results, refused to transfer power to the elected
representatives from the winning NLD, and jailed the NLD leaders and many
NLD sympathizers, supporters, and activists.
Despite the recent release of Burma's popular democracy leader and 1991
Nobel Peace Prize Laureate, Aung San Suu Kyi, (after six years of unlawful
detention), thousands of political prisoners remain in captivity.
U.S. corporations (again this can be changed: if you are in England,
"British investors" would be a more suitable word/target) are among the
top investors in Burma following Britain, France, Singapore, Thailand,
and Japan: PepsiCo, Unocal, Texaco, ARCO, Chase Manhattan Bank , Walt
Disney Co., Eastman Kodak Co., General Electric Co., Pan American
Pharmaceutical Ltd, Sears Roebuck, Wal-mart Stores, and many others
bankroll yet another dictatorship regime in the world.
THE UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN (put the name of the university or
institution that you wish to specifically target) INVESTS IN PEPSI CO,
AND THUS TAX PAYERS' MONIES AND OUR TUITION GOES DIRECTLY
TO THE COFFERS OF BURMA'S GENOCIDAL REGIME! IT MUST DIVEST.
World Wide Call for Sanctions and Divestment
Burma activists around the world have called for the withdrawal of
foreign investors until and unless SLORC transfers power to the duly
elected representatives of the people headed by Aung San Suu Kyi. Many
Nobel Peace Prize laureates, including Archbishop Desmond Tutu, the Dalai
Lama and Rigoberta Menchu support our call for economic sanctions.
In August 16, 1995, Madison (this is obviously tailored to attract the
local public and activists. So put something relevant here) became the
second city in the world after Berkeley, CA to pass a sanctions bill
against SLORC. The boycott bill bans the city from buying goods or
services from companies doing business in Burma. Similar bills are under
way in other U.S. cities, including New York City, Seattle, Portland,
Santa Monica, CA, Oakland, San Francisco, Cambridge, MA, and The State of
Massachusetts.
The Free Burma Bill ( #S1092) sponsored by Senator Mitch McConnell
(R-Kentucky) is currently being considered at the level of the United States
Congress.
Therefore, we, the Free Burma Coalition, declare October 27, 1995
"International Action Student (if your group is a student one, this is an
appropriate one and easier to attract and mobilize according to our
experience. If you are not, then simply leave it out.) Day for a Free
Burma", in order to terminate corporate funding of SLORC.
We invite you to join hands with us in our fight against corporate greed
and injustice.
In the United States already activist groups from about fifty U.S.
universities including the University of Chicago, Harvard, Stanford,
Wisconsin, UCLA, Georgetown, Washington, Boston University, Tufts,
Brandeis, Penn State, Columbia, Cornell, Berkeley, Colorado,
Northwestern, UCSanta Cruz, Chico State, City University of New York,
and New Mexico, and many others have committed to this October 27
International Campaign for a Free Burma.
The campaign news will be broadcast into Burma by the Voice of America,
Oslo-based Democratic Voice of Burma, and the BBC and covered by both
regional and international news media.
(Put your local contact here.)
Contact : Zarni at zni@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx
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ANNOUNCEMENT: MAILING LIST FOR OCT. 27 FOLKS.
There is now an automated mailing list for purposes of Oct 27
organizing.
You may add yourself to the list by sending a message with
'add' or 'subscribe' (no quotes) in the subject heading to:
burma-request@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx
To remove yourself send a message with 'remove' or 'unsubscribe' to:
burma-request@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx
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ANNOUNCEMENT: MYANVIEW FROM INST. OF SEASIAN STUDIES (ISEAS)
MyanView is a quarterly providing news and analyses of economic and
political developments in Myanmar. It was launched in January 1995 to plug
the information gap on that country, particularly for the busy businessman
and executives of multinational companies.
The annual subscription rate is S$ 180 / US$ 130.
Myanview, Vol. 1, No. 3 (July 1995) Contents
*Economic Outlook: A record rice export and favourable economic prospects
*Political Roundup: National reconciliation: asymmetrical bargaining?
*1995 Highlights
*Snippets on the Processing and Manufacturing Sector
Myanview, Vol. 1 No. 3 (July 1995) Supplement Contents
*Banking and Financial Reforms in Myanmar
*Chronology of Banking and Financial Reforms
*Reforms in the Banking System
*Financial Structure of Myanmar
*Interest Rate Reform: New rates, but ...
*Foreign Exchange Management: Still too much government control
*Exchange Rate: Still very much overvalued
*Foreign Exchange Certificate (FEC): De facto devaluation?
*Tax Reform: Evolving slowly
*Insurance Reform: Little progress
There are two Burmese research fellows (Dr. Mya Than and U Tin Mg Mg Than)
and Prof. Teruko Saito (visiting fellow from Tokyo Univ. of foreign
studies?) at ISEAS. Ms. Saito will be there until 24 Apr 96 for her
research work 'A Socio-Economic History of Burma: 1750-1990'.
WWW URL of ISEAS is "http://merlion.iseas.ac.sg/iseas.html";
If you would like your name to be placed on the mailing list of the
Institute's Publications Unit, please fill in the mailing list form
(http://merlion.iseas.ac.sg/ mail1.html).
If you don't have WWW access, e-mail <khairani@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx> with your:
full name, address, fax
areas of interest (Politics, Economics, or Social Issues) and country of interest.
<For MyanView information>
please contact Mr Mustain at Tel (65) 870-2483 or fax (65) 775-6259
<mustain@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx>
<Ordering publications from ISEAS>
Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Attn: Managing Editor
Heng Mui Keng Terrace, Pasir Panjang, Singapore 119596
Tel : (65) 870 2447, Fax: (65) 775 6259
or E-mail : "pubsunit@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx" for a proforma invoice for the
title(s) of your choice.
Remember to include your snail mail address (and a fax number if available).
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ANNOUNCEMENT: ALL BURMA YOUNG MONKS' UNION (ARAKAN)
The Buddhist Relief Mission has just received some
information about the present situation of All Burma Young
Monks' Union (Arakan).
The ABYMU (Arakan) is now active in both Bangladesh and
India. There are seven of the organization's monks in India
and the New Delhi chapter is very important since
circumstances there are favorable for staging demonstrations,
organizing exhibitions, and raising humanitarian assistance
for Arakan refugees in India.
The situation in Bangladesh, however, is extremely difficult.
There are 5 ABYMU (Arakan) monks staying there, only
one of whom has been granted refugee status by UNHCR
yet. Because of lack of support and difficulties with
accommodation in Dacca, most of the monks are scattered at
different sites on the Bangladesh/Arakan border. It is difficult
to organize activities in Bangladesh because of the government's
position, but it is essential to maintain a presence to keep in touch
with the situation at the border and also inside Arakan.
ABYMU (Arakan) requests assistance with the following:
* funding to enable them to maintain a basic office in Dacca
in order to carry out organizing activities and maintain contact abroad.
* an electric typewriter for the Dacca office
* assistance for food and accommodation for the monks in New Delhi.
Should anyone wish to know how to contribute to the ABYMU (Arakan),
please contact Buddhist Relief Mission for further details.
With metta,
Ken and Visakha Kawasaki
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