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IS ECONOMIC AID A LETHAL WEAPON? _
Subject: IS ECONOMIC AID A LETHAL WEAPON? _ VOICE OF THE PEACOCK(ABSDF)
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IS ECONOMIC AID A LETHAL WEAPON?
[Brief Analysis by the ABSDF of Japanese-Burmese Relations]
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Recently, the Japanese government was thinking about resuming
full scale ODA aid, without conditions, to Burma's notorious
military junta, frozen since the bloody crackdown on
anti-government demonstrations in 1988.
Will this resumption of assistance help prop up the economy of a
genocidal regime?
Recently, just 24 hours after the release of Daw Aung San Suu
Kyi, 1991 Nobel Peace Laureate, from her house arrest by the
Burmese military, Japanese foreign minister Yohei Kono said to
the press that Japan would like to offer its assistance to Burma
and take steps to rebuild the country with the understanding
cooperation of its people.
Meanwhile Daw Aung San Suu Kyi urged foreign countries and
investors to look for real changes in Burma's human rights
situation before putting money into the country and questioned
why Japan felt the need to hurry back for ODA.
Japan will offer grant aid worth $ 17 million to Burma to mark
what Tokyo sees as moves towards democratisation by the military
government, a Japanese financial daily reported on July 28,1995.
A Japanese Foreign Ministry official acknowledged Tokyo was
studying the possibility of providing grant aid for a project to
renovate a nursing school in Burma.
The Burmese opposition leader said foreign governments should not
hurry to resume economic aid, but should wait and see if "there
is a genuine move towards reconciliation and truly democratic
system of government".
Senior Japanese foreign officials have admitted that they
understand Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's release alone did not mean
democratic reforms were complete and that would study the
situation carefully.
On November 14 last year Mr. Kono also spoke to his Thai
counterpart. It was the first official confirmation by
Tokyo of news that had been leaked two weeks earlier about the
resumption by Japan of development assistance (ODA) to SLORC
(State Law and Order Restoration Council-the repressive military
junta that rules Burma).
The Japanese officials said Tokyo would assist about a billion
yen in grants and medical and humanitarian aid, because they said
that the political climate is improving somewhat in Burma.
The idea of the Japanese government is that this will help
to generate momentum for future talks but in another option Burma
is full of resources and has lots of potential for economic
expansion, Mr. Kono added. In the past the Japanese government
rejected the applications of 11 Burmese for political asylum in
Japan at the end of last year. Another 30 Burmese political
asylum seekers faced a similar fate.
This is not so surprising. Japan stands to gain nothing from
allowing the asylum seekers to stay, seeking promotion of the
human rights situation in Burma when there are lucrative business
deals to be made with Burmese generals. Marubini Co signed a
memorandum for restructuring of infrastructure and Daiwa
Securities Co. Ltd planned to set up a brokerage in Burma for
reestablishing a stock exchange; Mitsui Co also surveyed for the
chances to invest there. So we have questions about Japanese
government policy on human rights vs. assistance. We need to
analyze the history and development of Japanese assistance to
Burma.
A Summary of Burmese Relations with Japan
------------------------------------------
Japanese have been travelling by sea to the coastal areas of
Burma for many hundreds of years, and had relations with some
Burmese, Mon and Arakanese dynasties. It is written in the
chronicles that some Japanese archers served at the court of Sri
Thu Dhamma Raza of Arakan in AD 1622.
In modern times, relations can be seen as starting about 1920. A
reserve naval lieutenant, Shozo Kokubu and his dentist wife had
opened a dental practice in Rangoon at that time. Kokubu had been
sent for some purpose which is not clear but by the 1930s, at the
height of nationalist feelings against colonialism, this dental
practice had become an intelligence office for Tokyo.
Some patriotic Burmese youth had connections with his dental
clinic. Burmese and other Asians were impressed with the victory
of Japan over the Russian Czar's forces in 1905, which bolstered
nationalist sentiments.
In 1940, a colonel from the Japanese Army, Keiji Suzuki, arrived
in Rangoon as a reporter for the Yomiuri Shimbun. He met with
some Burmese youth and invited Thakhin Thein Maung to Tokyo. In
the Tokyo Peer's club during dinner Thein Maung made a statement
that "as the west has failed us, we must now answer to the call
of the east".
At this the Japanese officials were very pleased and founded the
Japan-Burma Friendship Association to further their programme for
Greater Asia.
At the end of 1940, Aung San escaped Burma and arrived in Xiamen,
a costal town of China, which had been occupied by Japan. Then in
early 1941 he was invited to Tokyo. After a few months in Japan
he went back to Burma and sneaked out 30 patriotic young Burmese
men later known as the "Thirty Comrades". In the group of thirty,
22 were from the faction of Aung San and the other 8 (including
Ne Win) were from the faction of Thakhin Ba Sein.
Ne Win attended an Intelligence course during the training period
in Japan. In 1942 the Thirty Comrades were equipped with arms and
went back to Burma as a part of the Japanese operation called
"Minami Kikan".
On March 7, 1942 the Japanese conquered Rangoon and installed a
puppet government led by Dr. Ba Maw. Later, in 1945, the Burma
Independence Army and Burmese guerrilla fighters started to fight
against the Japanese, when it was realised that they were no
better than the British.
Most the leading persons of the B.S.P.P (Burma Socialist
Programme Party) were in some way involved with Japan. Gen. Ne
Win was one of the thirty comrades and most of his ministers in
the Revolutionary Council (formed after his 1962 coup d'etat) had
received training from the Japanese. U Maung Maung Kha, Prime
Minister of Burma from 1977 to 1988, was a graduate of the
military academy during the Japanese occupation. U Maung Maung
(Prime Minister of Burma for a short time in 1988, before being
ousted) was also a graduate of the same military academy. U Tun
Tin (Vice-Premier of Burma from 1981 to 1988) was a graduate of
the Tokyo military academy.
Even the Burmese opposition leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi lived in
Japan when carrying out research on her father, Gen. Aung San, in
1985. She also studied the Japanese language.
In 1992, Ko Moe Thee Zun, Chairman of ABSDF, as well as members
of the National League for Democracy--Liberated Area (NLD-LA) and
Ministers of National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma
(NCGUB), visited Japan as the representatives from democratic
forces of Burma. They discussed with Japanese officials
about the future Japan-Burma relationships, the role of the
Japanese government in Burma's struggle for democracy and the
Japanese ODA programme.
So it is not so surprising that there was a good relationship
between old Burmese generals and Japanese veterans of the Second
World War who became rich entrepreneurs and influential lobbyists
of the Japanese government. Nobusake Kishi (Prime Minister of
Japan 1957-60) and his son-in-law and personal secretary
Shintaro Abe (Foreign Minister of Japan 1983-86) lobbied
earnestly in support of the Burmese regime. Tadashi Ohtaka
(Japan's ambassador to Burma 1987-90) and his wife, the
chairperson of the Japan-Burma Friendship Association were the
most influential people on Japanese Government policy regarding
Burma.
Because of this, eleven Japanese companies were able to do
business in Burma, even during the BSPP's closed-door period. It
was much more difficult for companies from other foreign
countries.
Past Economic Assistance to Burma
---------------------------------
Japan was the main aid donor to Burma from the middle of 1950
until the bloody crackdown on pro-democracy demonstrators in
1988. However, after the ruthless mass killings of 1988, the
Japanese government froze its ODA programme in Burma. Since 1988
Tokyo has limited aid to three projects in support of
International Red Cross activities.
During the Second World War, Japanese veterans and the Burmese
military had friendly relations, which blossomed into economic
relations. In November 1954, Burma and Japan singed the 'Accord
of Peace' Treaty and according to this treaty, the Japanese had
to pay compensation for casualties of war amounting to about
US$200 million as well as grants for technical assistance
of US$5 million annually.
American expert on Burma, David I Steinberg, noted that the
assistance was only US$10 per person for ten years, when spread
over the entire population of Burma. The main reason for the aid
was to open up markets for Japanese goods in Burma and regain
influence over Asia. Burma still has large resources of minerals
and other raw materials.
During the period of Gen. Ne Win's caretaker government, the
relationship between Burma and Japan was further developed. In
1950, a hydro-electric power plant had been constructed in the
Lawpita area with money from war compensation and until 1988 it
was the main source of energy for Burma (representing 40% of
the total energy supply.)
At the time of the 1962 coup d'etat the Japanese suspended their
aid temporarily. This was despite the fact that during this time
of growing tensions between East and West, Burma remained a
leading member of the Non-Aligned Movement, a stance which
greatly pleased Japan.
After the military seized power in 1962, the country's economy
declined rapidly due to mismanagement, bad policies such as the
nationalisation of the whole private sector, mismanaged agrarian
reform resulting in a decline of agricultural productivity, and
increased war expenditure. Some experts have stated that the
decline may also have been due to the suspension of Japanese
assistance.
In the 1970s, the Burmese economy was a little better because of
an increase in agricultural productivity and foreign aid,
especially from Japan. During 1960 Burma was the 8th largest
recipient of Japanese assistance. In 1980, Burma became the 4th
largest and by 1986, Burma got 6.3% of Japanese Overseas
Development Assistance, a total of US$224 million. In the 1980s,
the Burmese economy deteriorated gradually and debt repayments
could not be maintained. Things finally exploded in 1988 with a
nationwide popular uprising.
Here we need to analyze the assistance programme, and look at
whether it is effective or not for the people of Burma. Before
the 1988 uprising, Rangoon proudly announced the opening of the
Rangoon Planetarium, built with assistance from the Japanese
Development Bank and Nihon Sekki company. This is ridiculous
assistance for poverty stricken Burma.
Another question which needs to be asked is why the Japanese
never criticised the military expenditure of the BSPP, which
always promoted and strengthened the civil war. They provided aid
without stating how it should be spent or questioning the
underlying reasons for Burma's poverty. Also, the Burmese
military never criticised the Japanese on their human rights
record in Burma, and the issue of Burmese 'comfort women' was
never raised. Had the Burmese people forgotten about this? No.
The issue was discussed widely in Burma, and there were also a
lot of documents.
The Burmese military is still using the same tactics that were
used by the feared Kampetaing, the Japanese Intelligence forces
during the Second World War. Forced labour for the construction
of roads and railways continues today, little different to the
Japanese use of forced labour during the war, for projects such
as the infamous Death Railway linking Burma and Thailand.
If the BSPP had not been able to receive aid from Japan during
the 1980s, there is a good chance that the regime would have been
toppled earlier, saving the Burmese people much suffering. But
sadly, with the support of Japanese assistance, the BSPP was able
to hang on to power and finally killed on the streets of the
cities nearly 10,000 demonstrators.
The First Government to Recognise the SLORC
-------------------------------------------
After the SLORC seized power by suppressing pro-democracy
demonstrators in 1988, most of the international community
condemned them and refused to acknowledge them as the legal
government of Burma.
On 27 September 1988, just a week after the coup, the Japanese
government issued a statement saying, "in considering the future
of its assistance, it would be important that a political
settlement reflecting the general will of the Burmese people will
be reached... (and) effort will be made for economic reforms and
for an opening up of the economy".
During 1988, nineteen projects were being funded by the Japanese.
There were also five grants of assistance, worth US$66 million
(65% of which had already been received).
Loans for the nineteen projects were worth a total of 125 billion
Yen (20% of which had been spent). It would have been a hard blow
for SLORC if this assistance had bee frozen.
Unexpectedly, on 17 Feb 1989 the Japanese government recognised
the SLORC. Tokyo was the first government to recognise the brutal
junta. Tokyo gave as the reason the funeral of the Japanese
emperor Hirohito and the need to invite a Burmese government
representative.
Later, in 1989, the Burmese government sold its embassy site in
Japan to fill its empty coffers with US$240 million. This money
was possibly used for purchasing a large quantity of weapons from
China. The Japanese never criticised the SLORC for buying these
arms.
The stance of the Japanese government after the 1990 elections is
also questionable. After the elections the Japanese Cabinet
Secretary, Misoji Sakamoto, stated that the junta had at last
dismantled its shell, and was heading for democratisation and an
opening up of the country.
Tokyo asked the IMF and World Bank to persuade the Burmese
government to adopt a more acceptable economic policy. And in
October 1990, the Japanese foreign ministry demanded the smooth
and immediate transfer of power. But it appears that these were
just words, for Japan did not go on to criticise the SLORC
further.
Subsequently, in 1990, Masaharu Kohno from the Asian Affairs
Department of the Foreign Ministry, gave a speech to Japanese
entrepreneurs, and said that it was necessary to balance military
rule and human rights, and denied that human rights violations
were continuing in Burma. He said that since Burma was not yet a
democracy, it was necessary for the populace to be pacified. This
speech caused much anger in the dissident Burmese community.
Responding to this speech, a professor from Tokyo
University's Foreign Affairs Study Department, Teruko Saito said
that the Japanese government should not limit its outlook by
listening only to Burmese government spokesmen, but should listen
to the voice of the Burmese people too.
But did they listen? Definitely not. In May 1990 the Japanese
government wrote off Burmese debts of US$23.5 million, in January
1991 it wrote off a further US$42 million, and in November 1991,
it wrote off US$15.9 million. In 1992, while Daw Aung San Suu Kyi
was still under confinement, the foreign ministry of Japan gave 2
million Yen in assistance for the prevention of AIDS to the
Burmese government, and in 1993 there were three medical aid
grants worth a total of 15 million Yen. In March 1995, grants of
one billion Yen were provided for food supplies in border areas.
All this money relieved the hardship of the military government.
Burma previously had debts of US$5.3 billion, half of which was
to Japan.
The Japanese government has four guidelines for the assistance of
ODA to third world countries. They are:
- development projects must be environmentally friendly;
- aid must not be for military purposes or to fight
regional conflicts of any kind;
- before aid is given, the military expenditure and nuclear
status of the recipient country must be taken into
account;
- aid should enhance democracy, human rights and a free
economy.
It is fairly obvious to even the casual observer that Burma under
the rule of the SLORC does not pass any of these criteria.
There is much evidence that the Slorc and the DKBO
(a Slorc-sponsored armed faction, which mutinied against the KNU)
invaded Thailand several times with their army and destroyed
refugee camps along the Thai border--sometimes damaging Thai
property and even killing a number of Thai citizens.
Even while the Japanese Government donated food for the border
area, the SLORC troops again launched an offensive against the
Karenni people, and captured some camps on 30 June 1995, just a
few weeks after signing a truce agreement with the KNPP (Karenni
National Progressive Party).
Can ODA Bring Prosperity to the Burmese People?
-----------------------------------------------
In January 1994, in the magazine "Matsuzoe Analitica" and on a
show on Fuji TV, Yoichi Matsuzoe, a Japanese professor stated his
opinion that Aung San Suu Kyi could not unite Burma and that only
the SLORC could keep Burma together. He also claimed that Japan's
decision to suspend ODA assistance to the SLORC was causing great
hardship and suffering for the people of Burma and he advocated
the resumption of aid. Burmese dissidents in Japan and the Burma
Association in Japan wrote a protest letter against this opinion.
However, the professor's opinion is not so different to the
"constructive engagement" policy of other profit-orientated Asian
nations, attempting to tame the generals by feeding them with
money, but without using the stick.
There is a constant danger that immediate or short-term
considerations will take precedence over long term needs. If the
Japanese neglect the voice of the Burmese people, one day the
Burmese people will perhaps do the same. Because there is no
benefit for them, the Burmese people feel that such aid is only
exploitation using the slogan of improving the lives of the
Burmese people. It is obvious to us that our previous dictator,
Japan, is supporting the new dictatorship of the Burmese regime.
Feeding our enemy is nothing but an insult to the struggle for
democracy of the Burmese people. It should be noted that
following the end of the cold war, Japan could take an important
role as one of the architects of the New World Order. While
Japan maintains its advanced industrial economy using the natural
resources of third world countries, it neglects the well-being
and ignores the suffering of the people of those countries.
After the crackdown on pro-democracy demonstrations, there was
much increased international awareness of the plight of Burmese
ethnic refugees, and human rights violations against them.
But Japan ignored this. Did the military listen to the appeals of
the Japanese government, a government that supplied them with
huge assistance? Did Japan give humanitarian aid to the Burmese
refugees? Did Japan receive any political asylum seekers,
refugees or give scholarships for exiled-students in Japan? Did
Japan listen to the voice of the Burmese opposition? So far the
answer to all these questions has been 'no'.
A Better Side of Japanese Policy
--------------------------------
So far, a rather gloomy picture has been painted of Japan and its
government, but there are some positive points which need to be
highlighted. Some real friends of the Burmese people are still
trying for the promotion of democracy in Burma. They are always
concerned with the plight of the Burmese people and continue to
pressure the junta.
On October 17, 1994 the foreign minister of Japan, Mr Kono showed
his concern for the Burmese opposition leader Daw Aung San Suu
Kyi and asked for her immediate release and for the transfer of
power to the democratically elected government. (It is the same
Mr. Kono, however, who has now resumed ODA to the junta.)
Another past development was the 18 members of the parliament of
Japan who founded an association to campaign for the release of
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and organised more than 400 members of
parliament and senators to sign a petition letter sent to the
Secretary General of the UN. Groups opposing the SLORC,
however, are still in a weaker position in Japan than those which
support it.
Our Issue, Our History
----------------------
We have heard a lot of tales of human rights abuses, comfort
women and slavery and killing by Japan during World War Two. But
it is difficult for younger people to relate to such events, as
they happened a long time ago.
But the truth is that such acts continue today, albeit much
more subtly and with less obvious and open involvement by Japan.
Japan continues to support fascism in the form of juntas such as
the SLORC.
We don't want to raise old grievances, but the 1988 uprising and
the continuing struggle is our history and the history of modern
Burmese youth. Sometimes the insults upon our struggle and our
people write a black history in our hearts. In this supposedly
modern and civilised world, history is being repeated, and we
must not deny the present by burying the past.
Background:
1.Bertil Lintner/ FEER
2.Bangkok Post and The Nation newspapers.
3. B.U.R.M.A publications
APPENDIX 1
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Foreign Investment of Permitted Enterprises as of 31.3.95
approved amount (US$ millions)
1. Australia 28.20
2. Bangladesh 2.96
3. China 5.50
4. France 465.00
5. Hong Kong 64.44
6. Japan 101.14
7. ROK 60.95
8. Macau 2.40
9. Malaysia 69.57
10. The Netherlands 83.00
11. Philippines 6.67
12. Singapore 315.85
13. Sri Lanka 1.00
14. Thailand 410.91
15. U.K 632.21
16. U.S.A 226.27
17. Canada 22.00
18. Austria 71.50
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Total 2569.21
VOICE OF THE PEACOCK
ALL BURMA STUDENT'S DEMOCRAT FRONT(CHAIRMAN_ MOE THEE ZUN)
8888 CAMPS
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For More information please contact: Zaw Min_ Joint Secretary of
Foreign Affairs of the ABSDF
Mailing: P.O Box 42, Hua Mark PO, Bangkok 10243, Thailand
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