[Date Prev][Date Next][Thread Prev][Thread Next][Date Index ][Thread Index ]

BurmaNet News 6th May #166

------------------------- BurmaNet ---------------------------
"Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies"

The BurmaNet News: 6th May 1995
Issue #166


SPEECH by Dr. Sein Win.
THE NATION: Snippets.

The BurmaNet News is an      |                               |
electronic newspaper         |                  Iti          |
covering Burma.  Articles    |                 snotpo        |
from newspapers, magazines,  |             werthatcor        |
newsletters, the wire        |            ruptsbutfea        |
services and the Internet as |           r.Fearoflos         |
well as original material    |          ingpowercor          |
are published.               |       ruptsthosewhoare        |
The BurmaNet News  is        |     subjecttoit...Theef       |
e-mailed  directly to        |     fortnecessarytoremain     |
subscribers  and  is         |   uncorruptedinanenvironm     |
also  distributed via        |  entwherefearisanintegralpar  |
the soc.culture.burma        |   tofeverydayexistenceisnoti  |
and seasia-l mailing         |     mmediatelyapparentto      |
lists and is also            |       thosefortunate          |
available via the            |       enoughtolivein          |
reg.burma conference on      |        statesgovern           |
the APC networks.  For a     |         edbytherule           |
free subscription to         |         oflaw...fear          |
the BurmaNet News, send      |          is ahab  it.         |
an e-mail message to:        |                 Iam           |
                             |                   no          |
 majordomo@xxxxxxxxxxx       |                  taf          |
                             |                   ra          |
In the body of the message,  |                  id.          |
type "subscribe burmanet-l"  |                  Aun          |
(without quotation marks)    |                  gSa          |
                             |                  nS           |
Letters  to  the  editor,    |                   uu          |
comments or contributions    |                   Ky          |
of articles should be        |                   i.          |
sent to the editor at:       o-------------------------------o

In Washington:

  Attention to BurmaNet
   c/o National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma
  Information Office
  815 15th Street NW, Suite 609
  Washington D.C. 20005
  Tel: (202) 393-7342, Fax: (202) 393-7343

In Bangkok:
  Attention to BurmaNet
  c/o Burma Issues
  PO Box 1076, Silom Post Office
  Bangkok 10500 Thailand
  Tel: (066) (02) 234-6674, Fax: (066) (02) 631 0133

The NCGUB is a government-in-exile, formed by representatives
of the people that won the election in 1990.

Burma Issues is a Bangkok-based non-governmental organization
that documents human rights conditions in Burma and maintains
an archive of Burma-related documents. Views expressed in The
BurmaNet News do not necessarily reflect those of either NCGUB
or Burma Issues.


(at titan.oit.umass.edu)        (From News system)

Are there any MON people out there?
I am very interested in knowing my fellow Mon-Khmer people.


(BBC- 5.4.95, 9:30 PM/ Inside sources)

Nine students who joined the funeral procession of Burma's former
elected premier U Nu, shouting slogans, singing democratic songs
and laying flowers in honour of U Nu for his democratic efforts,
and were later arrested by Slorc in February, were sentenced for
seven years imprisonment in Rangoon. Other two students who tried
to escape were also sentenced for 20 years imprisonment.

They are accused of agitating and creating political instability
by singing the songs and shouting slogans in the funeral

It was just a small demonstration but a brave event. They sang
the songs in which hundreds of students and people who were
killed by Slorc troops in 1988 demonstration, were also honoured
there as heros and martyrs for democratic causes.

More then 1000 people joined the funeral procession including
diplomats from various embassies in Rangoon.

When his body was laid down to ground and buried, almost all the
participants were grievingly shouting and crying there. At the
same time the songs sung by these young students appeared out and
it effected the hearts of the people.

It was an event of political defiance against the Slorc and
regarded as an unacceptable occasion by the Slorc.



5.5.95/Bangkok Post

The Burmese opposition yesterday strongly condemned recent
incursions into Thailand by Burmese troops and their Buddhist
Karen allies.

The Democratic Alliance of Burma said the intrusions by SLORC and
the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army troops had enraged and
embarrassed the Thai authorities.

" The DAB greatly shares the anxiety and the concern of the Thai
Government over these recent unwarranted developments." the
alliance said. "It prays the Government will come up with an
appropriate measure to preempt recurrences."

The opposition praised Suthin Noppakate, chairman of the House
Foreign Affairs Committee, for urging the Thai Government to
review its "constructive engagement " policy with Burma.

Mr Suthin of the Palang Dharma Party called on the Government to
exclude the regime from observing the ASEAN ministerial meeting
in Brunei in July.

The alliance described the Thai policy as serving no purpose
other than to precipitate chaos and misery for the 43 million
people of Brma and to create a huge windfall for the illegitimate
military regime.

It urges ASEAN and the global community to deal with Burma only
when an elected, democratic government is in place in that

Union of Burma [NCUB] has distributed to the United Nations and
ASEAN members its " position paper" on the ASEAN meeting
scheduled for July 21 in Brunei.

The paper has also been sent to other conference participants
such as Laos ,Vietanm, Russia , China , Papua, New Guinea, Japan,
South Korea, Australia, New Zealand and the European Union.

The NCUB is an umbralla organisation for the DAB, the National
Democratic Front , the National League for Democracy  [NLD-
Liberated Area] and the National Coalition Government of the
Union of Burma.



        MAE SOT, Thailand (AP) -- Burmese infiltrators burned down a camp
housing refugees of Burma's Karen ethnic group Wednesday and killed
three policemen at a Thai police checkpoint.
        The attack on the Mae Samlap refugee camp, 400 miles north of
Bangkok, was the latest in a series of raids on Karen refugee camps
in Thailand over the past two weeks.
        The refugees are followers of the Karen National Union, which
has been seeking autonomy since Burma's independence in 1948. The
raiders are Burmese troops and Karen guerrillas allied with the
        A squad of about 20 Burmese troops and allied Karen guerrillas
crossed the Salween River along the Thai-Burmese border and burned
more than 100 homes in the camp, which houses 5,300 Karen refugees.
        The 10 guerrillas who attacked the police checkpoint several
miles away spoke Karen, Thai border police said, but it is not
clear whether they were rebels, Burmese government allies or just
        They crossed the Mae Ngao River several hours before the attack
on the refugee camp, and skirmished with five Thai Border Patrol
police, killing three and wounding two.
        On Tuesday, Thai authorities said it will move some of the Karen
refugees into a new center deeper inside Thailand to protect
against incursions by Burmese government loyalists.
        About 70,000 Karens live in 16 camps near the Burmese border.



         MAE SOT, Thailand, May 3 (Reuter) - Three Thai policemen
were shot and killed when a group of 40 heavily armed members of
a Burmese rebel splinter faction attacked their checkpoint in
northwestern Thailand, police said on Wednesday.
         Police said members of the Burmese-government backed
Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA) were responsible for the
attack late on Tuesday night.
         The DKBA has mounted a series of violent cross-border raids
into Thailand since it broke away from Burma's Karen National
Union (KNU) guerrilla group and joined forces with Burmese
government troops late last year.
         Last week DKBA gunmen attacked and burnt several Karen
refugee camps on the Thai side of the border leaving thousands
         DKBA leaders later told local reporters they would continue
their raids on Karen refugee camps in Thailand until all of the
70,000 Karen refugees in the camps returned to Burma.
         Thailand has complained to Burma's military government
several times about the raids and sent hundreds of troops backed
by helicopter gunships and armoured personnel carriers to
reinforce the border.
         Burma has responded to the complaints by saying it is not
responsible for the actions of the faction but Thai leaders
reject the explanation saying the DKBA is supported by the
Burmese army and operates out of areas under Burmese army
         The DKBA was formed by several hundred Buddhist Karen
guerrillas who in December mutinied against the predominantly
Christian KNU leadership because they said they were unfairly
         DKBA members helped Burmese government forces capture the
KNU's headquarters at Manerplaw in southeastern Burma in late


(Reuter / Sutin Wannabovorn)
ACategory: international

         MAE TA WAW, Thailand (Reuter) - Thai forces launched a
cross-border attack on Burma guerrillas Friday, hitting their
jungle camp in southeastern Burma with salvos of missiles from
helicopter gunships, a Thai army spokesman said.

         Four Thai gunships were involved in the attack on the camp
of the Burmese-government-backed guerrillas on the west bank of
the Salween River opposite the Thai village of Mae Sam Laep, the
army source said.
         ``More than 10 rockets hit the enemy camp and set it
ablaze,'' the spokesman said. There was no information about
         Friday's attack followed a Thai warning that its forces
would chase the guerillas across the frontier and hunt them down
if they continued cross-border raids on Karen ethnic refugees in
         ``If they can enter Thailand, we can enter Burma,'' regional
Thai army commander Lt.-Gen. Surachet Daechawongse was quoted as
saying in newspapers Friday.
         The guerrillas, members of a faction that broke away from
the anti-Rangoon Karen guerrilla army and joined Burmese
government forces last December, have launched a series of
attacks on Karen refugee camps in Thailand.
         Thailand last week issued the latest in a series of
complaints to Burma about the attacks by the Democratic Karen
Buddhist Army (DKBA) but the raids have continued.
         Three Thai policemen were killed in a clash with 40 heavily
armed DKBA members late Tuesday.
         ``Wherever we know for sure where DKBA forces are located we
will not hesitate to wipe them out with drastic and violent
means,'' Surachet told a news conference at his headquarters in
the central Thai town of Phitsanulok Thursday.
         Asked if that meant Thai forces would cross the border into
Burma in pursuit of the rebels, Surachet replied: ``Why not?
They violate our sovereignty. It is the army chief's policy for
us to retaliate drastically.''
         Thailand has sent hundreds of reinforcements to the border
to protect the 70,000 Karen refugees housed in a string of camps
along the Thai side of the frontier.
         DKBA leaders have threatened to continue the attacks until
all of the refugees, many of whom support the anti-Rangoon Karen
guerrilla force, return to Burma.
         Burmese military authorities in the southeastern Burmese
border town of Myawadi have closed the border with Thailand and
broadcast warnings that anyone trying to cross the frontier
illegally might be shot on sight.


        TACHILEK, Burma (AP) -- Burma declared a limited victory Friday
in a bloody offensive against Khun Sa, the most notorious of the
drug warlords in the Golden Triangle, and his army.
        The campaign began March 11 when the government sent 35,000
soldiers to the eastern province of Shan State to take on Khun Sa's
Mong Tai Army, estimated at 14,000 men.
        On Friday, the government announced the capture of a strategic
summit, giving it control of the Pachan mountains west of the Thai
border and driving a wedge between the warlord's forces.
        Col. Kyaw Thein, a senior intelligence officer, said 218 of Khun
Sa's fighters and 76 government troops were killed in the campaign.
        Burmese troops attacked the Mong Tai Army in the hills and
jungle between three strongholds. Although they were claiming
success, the warlord still has sanctuaries in neighboring Thailand.
        ``We can't completely blockade Khun Sa,'' Kyaw Thein said. ``But
we can limit his activities. The point is to hurt him economically.''
        More than 60 percent of the world's opium and heroin originates
in Burma. Khun Sa is the most notorious of several drug warlords
who control territory in the Golden Triangle -- the region where the
borders of Burma, Thailand and Laos meet.
        But sources say the Wa and Kokang ethnic groups have now
surpassed Khun Sa in heroin and opium output, partly because of the
Burmese army's continued pressure. Khun Sa portrays himself as a
freedom fighter for the Shan people.
        Kyaw Thein led reporters, U.N. officials and foreign military
attaches on a helicopter tour of the area Friday. The helicopter
didn't stop at the summit captured in fierce fighting Friday, but
touched down at another former hilltop outpost of Khun Sha's army.
        There, in the lush yet desolate thatched-hut base ringed with
trenches, the Burmese army regional commander, Brig. Gen. Kyaw Win,
displayed chemicals and equipment Khun Sha has used to refine the
opium into heroin.
        He also displayed a cache of arms -- M-16s, Chinese-made AK-47s,
rocket launchers, machine guns and grenades, and angrily pointed
out a box of ammunition with a Bangkok, Thailand, manufacturer's
        ``You can see where it comes from yourself,'' Kyaw Win said.
        Burmese officials in recent months have accused Thailand of
giving sanctuary to Khun Sa's guerrillas, a charge Bangkok denies.
Khun Sa has exported most of his drugs through Thailand and has
enjoyed close relations with local officials and military officers
in northern Thailand.


6th May, 1995

On 14th February, 1995, at the funeral ceremony in Rangoon of U
Nu, Burma's first and only democratically elected prime minster,
50 students peacefully demonstrating against the Slorc military
junta were arrested. There is still a ban throughout Burma on
political meetings of more than five persons and the next day
more than 20 of the students were arrested and charged with
activity aimed at causing political instability.

It has now been announced that a special tribunal has sentenced
nine of the students to seven years prison terms while two of the
students who could not be found have been sentenced in absentia
to 20 years prison terms. It is understood more students are
still under detention in Rangoon's Insein prison awaiting trial.

The nine has been identified as Maung Maung oo, Moe Myat Thu, Moe
Maung Maung, Aung Zeyya, Maung Nyunt, Tin Than Oo, Aye Aye Moe,
Moe Kalayar and Cho Nwe Oo, the last three being girls. They were
charged with instigating political unrest.

This incident, and the Slorc savage response, demonstrate clearly
yet again that there are still no signs of progress towards
democratic change and human rights record under the military

The ABSDF, deplores the continuing unwillingness of the Slorc to
tolerate any political activity in Burma and demands the
immediate release of the students.

Central Leading Committee
Southern Command



//Begin Statement//

The National Coalition Government is deeply concerned over
reports from the Thai-Burma border.  It understands that the
brutal attacks by the SLORC troops and their accomplices on
the refugee camps in Thailand are continuing without restraint
even as late as several days ago. This is despite the protests
from the Thai Royal Government and the international

It is already common knowledge that SLORC has little regard
for human lives and the international community should not act
surprised that beneath its mask, SLORC has bared fangs. These
sporadic raids, kidnappings and execution of the refugees in
the camps will continue unless the international community,
particularly Thailand, shows its will to protect the helpless

For Thailand, already much has been lost and there is much
more is at stake. It should start to act now and show SLORC
that these brutalities will have to end.

May 5, 1995
Information Office
National Coalition Government, Union of Burma

<end statement>


SPEECH by Dr. Sein Win.

The following is a speech delivered by Dr. Sein Win, prime
minister of the National Coalition Government of the Union of
Burma, at the Launching of a Marshall Plan for Children in
Houston, Texas on May 4, 1995.

//Begin Speech//

by Dr Sein Win, Prime Minister
Houston, Texas
 (4 May 1995)

Ms Williams, Nobel  laureates, distinguished guests, ladies and
gentlemen I am most honored to be here tonight. It is an honor not
only to be asked to speak about Daw Aung San Suu Kyi but also to
be among so many of the strongest supporters of the Burmese
democracy movement. The Nobel Peace laureates who are invited to
this conference Bishop Tutu, President Oscar Arias, Adolfo
Esquival, and last but not least, Betty Williams were some of the
Nobel Peace laureates who in 1993, focused world attention on
Burma by attempting to travel to Burma to visit their fellow
laureate Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.

The laureates' interest in Daw Aung San Suu Kyi electrified the
Burmese democracy movement and their visit to the Thai-Burmese
border boosted the morale of the refugees beyond measure. And
Bishop Tutu and Ms.Williams subsequent visit with President Bill
Clinton caused the US government to review its Burma policy. We,
the Burmese people have much to thank you for and I want to
personally and publicly thank you for what you have done and are
continuing to do on our behalf. For example, Bishop Tutu has
spoken out and written on our behalf at every opportunity. He has
always been there when we need him.  When he arrive tomorrow I
will offer my gratitude in person

President Arias is working to assist us through the International
Center for Human Rights and Democratic Development in Canada and
through the South Korea-based Forum for Democratic Leaders in the
Asia Pacific. And again last but not least, Betty Williams, as
Chairperson of the Institute for Asian Democracy, has worked
closely with the Institute's most energetic Director, Michele
Bohana to support us in our work to keep Burma in focus in the US.
I cannot thank you enough and I am confident that one day, we will
have an even bigger gathering such as this with Daw Aung San Suu
Kyi in Rangoon.

I am also doubly proud to be here tonight . On a personal level, I
am proud that my cousin has brought honor to the memory of her
father and her family. General Aung San was widely respected as
Burma's father of independence and as a man of integrity. But Daw
Aung San Suu Kyi did not take that for granted or abused the trust
placed in by her virtue of her birth. Over the years, by her
courage and conduct, she has shown that she is the same kind of
selfless leader that her father was. To illustrate, let me read
you a portion of the first public speech she made at the Shwedagon
Pagoda on 26 August 1988. Before that time, she was virtually
unknown to the public. She knew she would be judged by what she
said. It was a crucial test of acceptance. A politician would have
been tempted to speak to please the curious crowds. But what did
she do? She said, "Some may not like what I am going to say. But I
believe that my duty is to tell the people what I believe to be
true.  Therefore, I shall speak my mind if my words meet with your
approval, please support me. If they are not acceptable, it cannot
be helped. I am only doing what I believe to be right".

Any politician can tell you that it takes real courage to speak
such words. But on hearing her the Burmese people knew that
finally, they had found the leader they were looking for  not a
politician but someone who like her father would really for the
benefit of the people and the nation.

Her integrity shone through so clearly that although she was
placed under house arrest in 1989 and barred from contesting the
elections personally, her party won 82% of the parliamentary seats
in the 1990 general election. I myself could not ignore her call
and agreed to run for parliament. My own father was assassinated
together with her father, serving  our country. I hope I can be as
faithful in carrying out the duty assigned to me.

I am also proud of her as a Burmese. Never before has a Burmese
received such international recognition. President Vaclav Havel of
Czechoslovakia who nominated Daw Aung San Suu Kyi for the Nobel
Peace Prize has said, "Aung San Suu Kyi has now been recognized
for her struggle against tyranny for freedom and dignity... She
has refused to be bribed into silence by permanent exile. Under
house arrest, she has lived in truth.  She is an outstanding
example of the power of  the powerless... By dedicating her life
to the fight for human rights and democracy in Burma, Aung San Suu
Kyi is not only speaking out for justice in her own country,  but
also for all those who want to be free to choose their own
destiny. As long as the struggle for freedom needs to be fought
throughout the world, voices such as Aung San Suu Kyi's will
summon others to the cause. Aung San Suu Kyi cannot be silenced
because she speaks the truth."

I believe that it is very appropriate that we should be honoring
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi on the eve of  "Launching a Marshall Plan for
Children." It is not well known but one of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's
first political acts was to appeal for a dialogue with Burma's
military rulers in August 1988 to resolve the crisis the nation
was facing. In that appeal she said that she was making the
request "with the good of future generations in mind." She
recognized that there could not be much of a future for Burma
without ensuring that the children are given a chance to develop
to their fullest potential. I am sure that if she could have been
here, she would fully endorse and support the proposed Marshall
Plan for Children. It is one of Burma's greatest tragedies that
several generations of  Burmese children especially those in the
ethnic states have known nothing but war and suffering. Today,
Burmese children are regularly conscripted with their parents to
work as slave laborers on infrastructure projects, they are
deprived of their homes and forced to flee as a result of the
military's policy to suppress Burma's many ethnic peoples, and
young girls are increasingly being sold into prostitution, or gang
raped by military  units.

But as Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has said, "It is not enough merely to
call for freedom, democracy and human rights. There has to be a
united determination to persevere in the struggle to make
sacrifices in the name of enduring truths, to resist the
corrupting influences of desire, ill will, ignorance and fear."
So if we are really to honor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, we cannot call
for freedom, democracy and human rights. We must act. Inside
Burma, we are trying to first liberate the minds of the Burmese
people from apathy and fear. As Daw Aung San Suu Kyi said, it is
not power that corrupts but fear. Fear of losing power corrupts
those who wield it and fear of the scourge of power corrupts those
who are subject to it.

Internationally, I believe we must resist the corrupting influence
of desire. Too many nations desiring trade and economic progress
are sacrificing truth instead of fighting for it. To justify their
action, they claim that they are trying to help Burma develop
economically so that the people of Burma will benefit in the long
run. But addressing the UNESO World Commission on Culture and
Development in  Manila last year, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi argues that
true development requires democracy or the empowerment of the
people, and called for the  United Nations to support democratic
movements. Therefore , I believe we need to renew our efforts to
enact sanctions against the ruthless military dictatorship in
Rangoon. It is a crying shame that companies like Unocal from The
United States and Total from France can continue to justify their
investment in Burma with the weak argument that it benefits the
Burmese people. The only ones who will benefit from the gas
pipeline they are building are the military junta and Thailand and
the oil companies.

The truth is that without Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the military will
not be able to bring about economic development in Burma. And
without economic progress, the military junta  will not survive
for long. Therefore , I believe that the military must be made to
acknowledge and accept Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's  leadership. Let us
work together to convince the international community that the
time to act is now. An important factor is that nobody disputes
the facts that the Burmese military has no legal or moral right to
rule in Burma. The United Nations General Assembly has for four
consecutive years adopted consensus resolutions urging  the
military to respect the will of the Burmese people as expressed in
the results of the 1990 elections. Even Burma's neighbors that
advocate trade with Burma support the UN resolutions and claim
that they are trading with the junta to encourage it to change.
Therefore, let us urge the international community to support the
efforts of the UN Secretary General  to bring about national
reconciliation in Burma. Let us truly honor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi
by working for future generations of Burmese by bringing about
real political change in Burma . Thank you.

<End Speech>

TEL :  202 393 7342, FAX :  202 393 7343


By G.A. Donovan
Cambridge, Mass., May 4
(Special to BurmaNet News)

At a Harvard University forum titled "Should the U.S. Have a
Diplomatic Roadmap for Burma?" held on the first of May at
Harvard University, U.S. Congressman Bill Richardson outlined four
options he says the U.S. government must choose from in making
policy related to Burma.  The event, sponsored by the Institute of
Politics at Harvard University's John F. Kennedy School of
Government, also featured comments from panelists Thomas
Vallely, Director of the Indo-China Program at the Harvard Institute
for International Development, David Dapice, economics professor at
Tufts University, and Mimi Myint-Hpun, lobbyist and
"humanitarian activist."  Dean Graham Allison of the Kennedy
School moderated the discussion.

Congressmen Richardson began by describing his involvement in
Burma.  "When you deal with Burma you become addicted to it," he
confessed, adding:  "in a positive way."  Meeting with Aung San Suu
Kyi last year -- he was the first western non-family member to meet
with her in her captivity --  was "an inspiring event for me," he said.
He doubts she will be released in July, and believes the junta has
calculated that it has not seen any benefits from the slim
liberalization implemented so far and has decided to "tough it out."
Evidence of this can been seen in several negative developments,
including the failure of Michael Aris to get a visa, obstacles to
International Committee for the Red Cross inspections of prisons,
arrests at U Nu's funeral, the cross-border pursuit of Karen refugees,
the weakness of Thai policy toward Burma on human rights issues,
and attacks on Khun Sa.  For the sake of comparison, Richardson
described the positive developments:  the release of over a hundred
political prisoners, including two Richardson specifically pushed for,
and the two meetings between Aung San Suu Kyi and the junta.

Posing the question of what can be done about foreign policy toward
Burma on the part of both the U.S. and the international community,
Richardson outlined four options:  sanctions, constructive
engagement, the Clinton policy (carrot and stick), and "The Fourth
Way," Richardson's proposal for accelerating postive change.
Sanctions have been advanced by human rights groups, a majority in
the U.S. Congress, some members of the Clinton administration --
notably in the State Department and National Security Council -- and
by editorial writers in papers like the New York Times and the
Boston Globe.  This option includes downgrading diplomatic
relations and witholding narcotics aid.

Constructive engagement, familiar from the words and deeds of
Singapore and Japan, among other nations, proceeds on the principle
that trade can make a difference by giving the junta tangible
incentives to change.  A few individuals in the Clinton
administration, including Lee Brown in the drug policy office, favor
this approach.  Richardson also included the U.N. in this group by
dint of the two teams recently sent into Burma by the Secretary-
General.  Recent actions by the junta, Richardson was quick to point
out, have embarassed the cause of the contructive engagers, and he
believes the cold reception given to U.S. Senators Robb and McCainn
on their recent trip to Burma may have negative repercussions in the
form of a shift in U.S. policy.

The third option is basically the prevailing Clinton administration
position of carrot and stick -- but not too much carrot -- and wait and
see.  Under this policy, the SLORC would be rewarded for positive
moves like recent meetings with Aung San Suu Kyi but would not
receive any narcotics assistance.  If this policy is continued
Richardson believes a more concerted attempt should be made to
raise the profile of the Burma issue; he mentioned a G-7 statement on
Burma as a specific step in that direction.

In the past Richardson has supported the Clinton policy, but now he
feels "the time has come to take a stand."  To this end, he outlined
what he calls "The Fourth Way."  It has two components:  forming a
contact group to multilateralize pressure on Burma; and setting
deadlines for sanctions if specific improvements are not made.  He
would like to begin with July 11 as the date for the unconditional
release of Aung San Suu Kyi.  If the carrot and stick approach is made
more concrete and threats are carried out, he hopes there will be
positive change.  "The last thing I want to see is Aung San Suu Kyi
stuck in prison another ten years," Richardson said, "the time has
come for individuals like me to start taking a stand."  He would like
to see the administration raise this issue at the highest levels both
domestically and internationally, and increased U.N. involvement as
well -- he commented that the U.N. has been holding back due to
pressure from the ASEAN countries.

Richardson completed his remarks by emphasizing that he does not
think Clinton should be criticized for his policy -- he has not caved in
to narcotics pressure, for instance.  "We can't totally close the door"
on the junta, he concluded, "but it's reaching the point where we
may have to."

After Congressman Richardson's statement, the respondents
addressed various parts of his proposal.  Tom Vallely said he sensed
"a new domino theory" developing out of a nascent Chinese
economic hegemony.  He would be willing to associate himself with
Richardson's "Fourth Way," and definitely believes the U.S. response
should be much greater and more serious.  Although he is
sometimes "offended" by the administration's responses to events in
Burma, and bemoans the fact that no one in the White House is even
thinking about these issues, he thinks it is a great asset that someone
in the Congress is interested in "that not-such-small-country,
Burma."  However, if the U.S. remains far in the background he fears
China -- which "would just as soon the U.S. never had a relationship
with Burma" -- will not think twice about moving into the breach.

Professor Dapice, a rather hard-headed, cookie-cutter specimen of
"realist" thinking, claimed that if economic pressure is to be applied
its effects must be understood.  He recited the facts of the
unamibiuously impoverished state of the Burmese economy and
made the claim that nothing the U.S. and the European Community
could do would have an effect on this rather emaciated economic
structure.  Direct trade with the U.S. and Europe accounts for only 7%
of the Burmese economy.  Dapice also emphasized the size and extent
of the heroin economy, which in his view can only be addressed
through intensive and large-scale work with the peasants who grow
the raw materials.  If U.S. policy is going to take account of "reality,"
he concluded, we have to realize that if trade is cut off the effects are
going to be largely symbolic and may push Burma closer to countries
like China.  There is no rational basis for sanctions, he claimed, and
therefore they will be ineffective.

Mimi Myint-Hpun, described as a "humanitarian activist," said she
has worked as a lobbyist on Capitol Hill and has been blacklisted by
the junta since 1989.  In her statement she adopted some of the
rhetoric of Aung San Suu Kyi, though walking a thin line between
democratic reform and economic development.  On a recent trip to
Burma she noted pervasive moral decay, bribery and corruption:
"you can get everything in Burma for a price," she said.  If the aim of
policy is "to really help the people of Burma," she insisted "a
comprehensive social study" be performed first.  Because the military
establishment is part of Burmese society and will never go away, she
believes, it must be part of any solution to Burma's problems.  Her
conclusion:  "if you want to approach the Burmese you have to think
like a Burmese -- and maybe a Buddhist."  Deadlines for sanctions
will not work, as they will serve only to anger and isolate the junta;
her prescription is to get involved in and publicize the constitutional
process.  She came down on the side of constructive engagement,
claiming that the economic well-being of 45 million Burmese takes
precedence over all other considerations.

During the question and answer period Sidney Jones of Human
Rights Watch/Asia noted that she saw a great deal of overlap among
the four options, and that a combination of corporate withdrawal and
an end to investment together with the formation of a contact group
is in her view the best course of action.  She also advocated following
the "road map" presented by U.N. General Assembly resolutions
passed in 1993 and 1994.

Another questioner, Simon Billenness of the Coalition for Corporate
Withdrawal from Burma, pointed out the difference between trade
and investment.  Although trade between the west and Burma is
negligible, investment, and oil investment in particular,
disproportionately benefits the regime, and thus, and in other ways,
may help oppress the general population.  Myint-Hpun disagreed,
wanting investment for jobs in Burma.  Dapice weighed in with the
claim that the test of policy is efficacy.  Citing an instance in Iran
where U.S. oil companies left and French companies went in to fill
the vacuum, Dapice claimed he had spoken to Total officials who
expressed a willingness to take over Unocal's work should Unocal
pull out of Burma.  Richardson disagreed, saying constructive
engagement does not work, trade can be cut off but sanctions have to
be multilateral to be effective and must be tied to deadlines for
positive change.  The Congressman made a point of commending
Mr. Billennes for the work he has been doing, and also said he too
will be trying to convince the U.S. business community to put
pressure on the junta.

As the event wound down, Richardson expressed concern that the
world has just not been paying attention.  "Who knows, right?  None
of us have the answer.  What is not acceptable now is current policy.
Things are getting worse, there's misery there...  Does it amount to
the U.S.?  Yes, no one else is going to take the lead...  Let's try
something... use multilateral pressure... set deadlines...  At least
we've stood for something...  I got three political prisoners out of
jail... maybe if we go inch by inch..."



        MANDALAY, Burma -- Hurtling down the road to Mandalay, the
eugenia leaves attached to our hired car flap wildly as Buddhist
insurance against accidents. American rap and Michael Jackson boom
from the cassette player.
        Thank the Lord Buddha for the leaves because our smiling,
sarong-clad driver, Khin Maung Aye, tends to take one hand off the
wheel to dip into a box of betel nut, the nonhabit-forming
stimulant widely used in Asia. Swaying to the music, he misses
oncoming, World War II-era trucks by inches.
        Around us, farmers work the fields with wooden plows. Ox-carts,
the prime means of rural transport, stir up swirls of dust across
the parched plains. Youngsters flag down passing cars, asking for a
little cash to repair the countless pagodas that seem to spring
from the very soil.
        It's a mystic landscape.
        Behind us, in ancient Pagan, the ruins of 2,200 pagodas, stupas,
monasteries and other buildings bear mute testimony to what was
once one of Asia's most wondrous cities. Only a few farmers live
there now.
        Nearby looms Mount Popa, abode of both nasty and benign
supernatural beings -- the ``nats'' -- to whom even modern day
generals and Ph.D.'s pay proper homage. Ahead is Mandalay, Burma's
last royal capital, where barbarity and deep piety mingled.
        ``This is Burma, and it will be quite unlike any land you know
about,'' British author Rudyard Kipling wrote a century ago, and
most visitors of today agree.
        The last of the sacred eugenia sprigs -- fastened to rearview
mirrors -- have blown away by the time we reach Mandalay. They
served their purpose: cattle, dogs, vehicles and monks had narrowly
survived Khin Maung Aye, who suffered only one flat tire.
        Between Mandalay and Burma's capital, Rangoon, you can now fly
in antiseptic comfort on Air Mandalay -- a recent Singapore-Burmese
joint venture. Then there's the Burmese way: the so-called express
        It seemed like a bargain: $30 for a 435-mile journey, in an
``upper class'' car no less. The trip was scheduled to take
``about'' 12 hours.
        Mandalay station at pre-dawn is a medieval scene of candlelight,
families huddled under dirty blankets, shadowy figures lining up
for scarce seats on antiquated trains.
        Aboard, the train's halting progress is accompanied by nonstop
betel nut chewing, throat-clearing, cheroot smoking and snack
eating. Fueling the munchathon is an army of hawkers who descend on
the train at every stop, shoving quails eggs, chicken curry, sweets
and fruit through the windows.
        One enterprising man on board rents out Burmese comic books and
magazines that feature ``nat'' tales alongside gossip about the
love lives of Hollywood stars like Michael Douglas and Julia
Roberts. It's five kyat (5 cents) a read.
        By midafternoon a torpor hangs over the passengers. Heat, dust
and a goodly number of insect species invade through the empty
windows from the vast spaces of central Burma -- a land of great
potential and abiding backwardness.
        Sunset, nightfall and frequent unscheduled stops in the middle
of nowhere. ``Engine failure,'' the conductor explains calmly. ``It
happens all the time.''
        Finally we limp into Rangoon, after 18 1/2 hours on the track.
        Burma's capital, the cliche went, was where clocks stood still.
But now, with the country's long closed borders opening, the
skyline encompasses both satellite television dishes and the golden
spire of Shwedagon Pagoda, which legend says was built 2,500 years
        On Rangoon's streets you can buy edible beetles, have your ears
cleaned or get your Macintosh computer serviced. If you're
illiterate, a battery of pavement typists will compose your love
        Economic liberalization, albeit by a dictatorial junta, has
ushered in karaoke bars, computer games, credit cards, Filipino
bands and traffic jams -- all unheard of just a few years ago.
        Although eager for foreign cash and tourists, the military
regime is fighting a rear-guard action against some of the things
that invariably come with opening up.
        Attacking ``decadent alien culture,'' the generals recently
announced a nine-point dress code for entertainers. It bans
earrings and shabby long hair for men and decrees that women cannot
wear sarongs shorter than six inches above the ankle.


NATION: Snippets.

Thai responses to Burmese aggression as the Border mayhem
5.5.95/The Nation

We can't solve big national problems with anger, emotion or
words. If we have to inform reporters of every move we make,
there will be no time to act.


-------------------------          ---------------------------

A green light [ to counter-attack the intruders ] need not be
granted . The green light is always there. This means the Army
has absolute power to respond rationaly to border violations.


-------------------------           --------------------------

Thai military intelligence people must be more enthusiastic. It's
not all right not knowing anything until intruders pop up in
front of your bed.


--------------------------           -------------------------

Some interest group must be behind this confrontation between
Buddhist and Christian Karen factions.


--------------------------            ------------------------

There are limits to the use of patience and tolerance to solve
problems. But extreme caution is required when military force is


---------------------------            -----------------------

It's easy to take drastic action against the intruders. But we
have to weigh the pros and cons.


----------------------------          ------------------------

Now that they have killed some of us, we must kill them.


-----------------------------         ------------------------

The people behind the violence may be trying to create a
situation leading to a war. We must deal with them carefully and
ensure relations with Burma are not affected.


<End Snippets.>



Wimol  turns heat on Rangoon as gunships begin counter -attack
6.5.95/The Nation

Thai helicopter gunships raided a Karen camp in Burma yesterday,
firing salvos of missiles and setting it ablaze in retaliation
for repeated violent incursions into Thailand an Army source

Senior officials would not immediately confirm the counter-attack.

But Army Commander -in - Chief Wimol Wongwanich gave strong hints
yesterday that retaliatory action was already underway .

Interior  Minister Sanan Kachomtrasart said Thai troops had begun
retaliatory action and were prepared to pursue the guerrillas
into Burma . He gave no other details.

The Army source said four Thai helicopter gunships were involved
in the attack on the Democratic Karen Buddhist  Army camp on the
west bank of the Salween River opposite the Thai village of Mae
Sam Laep in Mae Hong Son province.

" More than 10 rockets hit the enemy camp and set it ablaze ,"he
said. There was no information about casualties.

Authorities in Mae Sot, in Tak province across a border river
from Myawadi , said Burma closed the border on Thursday and began
broadcasting warning on loudspeakers . Thailand is currently
building a " friendship bridge" across the River Moei between
Myawadi and Mae Sot.

Wimol yesterday hinted the Army had already taken some
retaliatory action against the Karen guerrillas but had not
publicized it. "You should ask Burma what the Army has done.
Don't ask me anymore, he said.

He said Rangoon could not avoid responsibility for the spate of
border raids by renegade Karen guerrillas in which several people
have died and a number of villages destroyed.

"The Burmese government must bear responsibility . Regardless of
whether [the intruders ] were Karen , Mon or Chinese , they were
all Burmese weren't they?"  he said.

The Rangoon military junta has denied any responsibility for the
violent incursions into Thailand by the DKBA, which split with
the Karen National Union last December and reportedly aligned
 themselves with the Burmese government.

" If the Burmese government said they were outlawed then it
should  not mind if we go and get them in Burma," he said .

The Army chief also attempted to counter criticism over the
Army's failure to put a stop to the border incursions.

"Who wants to be looked at as too aggressive . This is a
national, not a personal matter. We can't simply hit someone as
soon they make us angry ," he said.

Interior Minister Sanan said he did not rule out the importance
of diplomacy to settle the matter . But the military option had
become necessary because Rangoon had failed to stop the raids .

Sanan disputed Foreign Minister Krasae Channawongse's call for
the government to stay calm in order to resolve the issue.

"We just cannot let outsiders trample on our sovereignty . Three
police officers have been killed . How can we remain calm?" he

Sanan will travel to the areas where the attacks have occurred on
Sunday .

He said the National Security Council would call a meeting with
the governors of the border provinces to formulate a plan of
action to deal with any border problems .

In a letter to The Nation, the Burmese embassy in Bangkok
yesterday denied Rangoon supported the DKBA guerrillas or bore
any responsibility for the raids . It said Thai authorities were
welcome to retaliate against any further violations.

It also described the front page headline of the Nation on May 4,
" Burmese raiders kill three policemen ", as misleading"

"The raiders the newspaper referred to are , in fact, members of
the DKBA, a breakaway faction of the KNU. The recent incursions
by the DKBA into Thai soil are neither backed by the Myanmar
[Burma] government, nor are Rangoon forces involved in any way .

The DKBA is solely liable for these incursions. The Myanmar
government is not in the position to control the activities of
the DKBA , which still has to come into the legal fold.

"At the same time, it is understandable for us that whatever
action taken by Thai security forces to defend its territory from
the DKBA is within its own rights," the letter said.

An Associated Press reported said yesterday that Maj Toe Hlai,
leader of the DKBA, denied responsibility for some of the
attacks, including Wednesday's raid that left three Thai
policemen dead and two others injured.

He admitted that the DKBA had set fire to Karen refugee camps
last week to encourage the refugees to return to Burma.

"Our operations were to release the refugees," Toe Hlai said.
" Thailand should not be stubborn about giving shelter to the
Karen refugees."

He said if the refugees returned to Burma, local authorities
would take care personal dispute .

According to the source, 17 KNU fighters, led by two men
identified as La Swey and Gyaw Mor Lae, raided the police

They lived at Poo Thor Kyi, about 10 kilometres north of the
Maetawaw camp , the source said .

Meanwhile , about 300 Karen refugees, fearing for their safety in
Thailand, yesterday voluntarily returned to the DKBA- controlled
Maetawaw camp, opposite Tha Song Yang District in Tak province.

They were repatriated by Thai authorities on long tail boats and
were blacklisted from re-entering Thailand. DKBA members were
seen waiting to receive them on the other side of the Moei river.

The Rangoon -controlled camp was being shared by DKBA fighters.
It was under the command of Maj Gen Thoon Hlai and U Yannikaja
and  manned by 700 DKBA guerrillas.

About 5,000 refugees are living in Mae Ta Waw camp .The number of
returnees has increased to 500 a day over the past two weeks
after the DKBA began to burn down their shelters in Thailand.

One of the returnees said he wanted to be reunited with his
family. " There is no point living in Thailand. My house was
burnt down. I dare not move to another camp. I don't know whether
it would be safe," he said .

Authorities put the number of refugees living in 15 camps in Tak,
and 13 camps in Mae Hong Son, at 54,247.

Police chief Pochana Boonyachinda has ordered a number of border
peace -keeping centers to be set up in Tak and Mae Hong Son to
provide better security for both authorities Karen refugees.

Pochana will tour the two provinces over the weekend. He will be
briefed on the investigation into Wednesday's killing of the
three Thai border policemen .

Yesterday, three army battalions, backed by three 105mm artillery
pieces, were sent to the border in Tha Song Yang District in Tak
province. A bout 100 police from the Tak and Phitsanulok border
patrol units and a parachute police unit were also sent.



6.5.95/The Nation

TANAOSRI REFUGEE CAMP, Kanchanaburi - While the Army has vowed to
take " drastic " action in defence of Karen refugees in the
North, representatives of the 9th Infantry Division on Monday
ordered the inhabitants of Tanaosri refugee camp in Kanchanaburi
to return to Burma within 45 days .

Camp leaders told The Nation, however, that they would not go
back to Burma " until there is democracy there " setting up a
possibly tense confrontation between the Army and the 550 ethnic
Tavoyan refugees.

Tanaosri camp is located in a remote forest reserve south of the
border town of Ban I Tong. The only access for vehicles is via a
rutted old mining track. The camp sits just 2-3 kms away from the
most likely routed for a pipeline which will transport natural
gas from Burma's Gulf of Martaban to Thailand and will enter the
kingdom at Ban I Tong.

An officer from the Kanchanaburi based 9th Division confirmed
that the refugees have been ordered to move to Su Ka,an even more
remote site just over the border that is roughly a seven hours
walk from Tanosri. But the source, wo asked not to be named,
expressed surprise upon learning that the refugees had decided
not to go.

"I understood that the men had agreed to go to Su Ka and start
building their new huts [yesterday]," the military officer said.
"If they refuse to go, we have several avenues to choose from.
But I believe they will go."

Deputy camp leader Maung Aye said the refugees had decided in a
camp meeting on Wesnesday that it was too dangerous to move to Su
Ka, as it was often visited by Burmese troops.

"Once there is democracy in Burma, we will go back," Maung Aye
said. "But if we are to die, we will die in Thailand."

He said the Thai officers gave no explanation for why the
refugees had to leave. "They just said, 'This is Thailand and you
can't stay here'." according to the deputy camp leader.

Border sources believe the move is related to the construction of
the gas pipeline.

The refugees have already been moved three times," said Glenn
Sethbandhu, the manager of Somsak Mining Co Ltd, which has a
concession in the enaosri forest reserve. "In the past, I thought
this was because they were to be used as cheap labour to build
the pipe line. But, over the last 2-3 weeks, the authorities have
been very insistent thus they must go back to Burma.
"I can see clearly now that they are being moved because of the
pipe line,"she said. "The authorities are afraid of refugees will
try to obstruct the pipe line."
" Why this government being kind and lenient to refugees in Mae
Hong Song and Tak, but here they are forced to go, even though
the government is not paying a single baht towards their keep,"
Glen asked. Food and medical support for Tanaosri camp is
provided by the non-governmental relief agencies.
The 9th Division source explained that refugee policy depended on
the locale. "This area is different from the north. There's no
more fighting here," he said. " The refugees will still be able
to receive supplies from Thailand at Su Ka. And if they have
problems ( with Burmese soldiers) there, they can come back.

Maung Aye said that more than 500 Karens refugees who used to
live at Tanaosri moved to Su Ka last year because they feared
Thai soldiers. He said the Karen are now frequently visited by
Burmese troops, who have a base one day's walk away.

"They have to run up the hill [into Thailand], and then go back
to Su Ka when the soldiers have left," he said. "sometimes the
soldiers comes as often as three times a month."

The Thai military sources also denied that the refugees'
repatriation is related to the gas pipeline, pointing out that
pipeline's final route has not been decided.

However, border sources said that last week around 30 officials
from the Petroleum Authority of Thailand(PTT), the military, the
police and the Royal Forestry Department(RFD) surveyed a narrow
trail which begins along a mining road 2-3 km from Tanaosri and
travels through dense forest to Huay Pak Khok on the road to
Thong Pha Phum.

The source said, this is the most direct link between Ban I tong
and Thom Pha Phum, and the most probable route for the pipeline.
The forest reserve is likely to become part of Thong Pha Phum
National Park, which is expected to be declared next year.
Officials from the PTT and the RFD were not immediately available
for comment.

The leaders of the Tanaosri stressed that the cam's residents are
refugees from Tavoy district in Burma and are not rebels. Many of
them fled to Thailand after being forced to work on the
construction of the Ye-Tavoy Railroad, they said, including 60
new refugees who arrived on Wednesday.

Maung Aye and Lein Thin, the chief medical officer, said they
were supporters of Aung San Su Kyi during the Burmese election of
1990. When the election's results were nullified by the ruling
State Law and Order Restoration Council, they fled to Thailand to
escape arrest.

According to Maung Aye, the 9th Division officers told the
refugees they would not be allowed any more rice or medical
supplies until they move to Su Ka. The soldiers reportedly told
the refugees that if they had not left by June 15th, the road to
Tanaosri would be closed.

The refugees normally stock up with six months of supplies at
this time of year in anticipation of heavy rains which will make
the road impassible to vehicles within a month of so. Camp
leaders said they had about one month's supply of food and
medicine remaining.

Lein Thin said the camp clinic was currently treating 15
patients, including three children, mostly for malaria. He said
six months' worth of medicines for the camp had already arrived
at Thong Pha Phum but authorities had not given permission for it
to be moved on to Tanaosri.

Asked what the refugees will do once their supply of rice runs
out, camp resident Pi Yi responded, we are all worrying about it.


Agence France-press

LONDON- The Burmese government is using slave labour on a huge
scale in its drive to prepare the country for an expected influx
of tourists in 1996, the London-based Burma Action Group UK said
on Thursday.

" Tourists visiting the country will be using railways and roads
built by thousands of forced labourers and will be visiting
palaces and cultural sites from which local people have been
forcibly removed," said the group's coordinator Sarah Sutcliffe.

1996 has been declared by the Burmese government as " Visit
Myanmar[Burma] Year", and in its drive to prepare the country for
the hoped-for influx of tourists the government is committing
human rights abuses, said the group.

Civilians and prisoners in chain gangs are being forced to work
as slaves throughout the country to build up the tourist
infrastructure, according to the group .

It claims that two thousand civilians were forced to work
alongside shackled prisoners on a project to restore Mandalay

And it says that the Burmese capital Rangoon has been cleared of
thousands of its poorer residents in order to make it into a show
-case for tourists.

The action group condemned the Burmese government, the State Law
and Order Restoration Council [SLORC], saying that it prevented
the country's citizens from benefitting from any increase in

" Tourists must be aware that at least every 50 cents in every
dollar spent in Burma goes directly to the Slorc," said

" In a country that has no external enemies, but that spends 40
per cent of its annual budget on the military , the equation is
clear," she added.

In Rangoon, a special tribunal has sentenced nine young
dissidents found guilty of publicly engaging in antigovernment
demonstrations to seven year's imprisonment each, according to
family sources on Thursday.

Over 20 young students alleged to be involved in a flash
demonstration during the Feb 20 funeral of premier U Nu, the
first democratically- elected prime minister of Burma, were
quietly rounded up by the authorities the following day, informed
sources said.

While the rest were released after interrogation, 14 were sent to
Rangoon's central `Insein jail ' and following further
questioning  nine were charged with instigating political unrest
while the rest opted to become prosecution witness, the said.

The nine have been identified as Maung Maung Oo, Moe Myat Thu,
Moe Maung Maung, Aung Zayya, Maung Nyunt, Tin Than Oo, the last
three being girls.

They were sent up for trail on April 5 and on April 28 and, after
eight days of intermittent hearings, were found guilty as charged
and sentenced to seven years each, the sources said.

According to the sources, the special tribunal also sentenced in
absentia, two official dragnet, to 20 year jail terms. In Burma,
a ban is still in effect prohibiting the public gathering of more
than five persons with the intention of creating political

In Auckland, the Asian Development Bank is not yet ready to start
lending to Burma because of the human rights situation in that
country, ADB President Mitsuo Sato said yesterday.

" At the moment, it might be too early for us to do that," Sato
told a news conference at the end of the ADB's three-day annual
meeting here. He said the bank will " take a closer look at
what's going on" before lending.

Sato cited the case of Vietnam, which began receiving ADB loans
in 1993, after the Communist regime made efforts to shift to a
`market -based economy and improve its human rights record." I
very much hope to be able to do that to Burma," he said.


                     GENERAL HEADQUARTERS


House Foreign Affairs Committee Chairman, Mr Suthin Noppakate has
urged the Government review " Constructive Engagement " policy on
Burma. Also, Mr Noppakate has called on the Government to exclude
the wayward regime to observe the forthcoming ASEAN Ministerial
Meeting in July.

The Democratic Alliance of Burma [DAB] greatly share the anxiety
and the concern of the ROYAL THAI GOVERNMENT  on these recent
unwarranted developments caused by the arrogant and undisciplined
military and their cohorts under the aegis of the SLORC of Burma
and pray that the Thai authorities manage an appropriate measure
to ensure and preempt further recurrences of the nature.

Also, we immensely laud Mr Noppakate's timely and essential step
taken to urge the review on the controversial "Constructive
Engagement " policy on Burma , as it serves no other purpose than
to precipitate in chaos and misery on the 43 million people of
Burma and a huge windfall for the illegal ruling SLORC  to
continue its dynastic rule on the country.

In short, it can be clearly stated that the policy has culminated
in the recent and prevailing assaults on Thai sovereignty and
territorial integrity, not to mention loss of Thai lives and
property, and to go further ,the imposing threat on the safety
and security of the region in future.

We strongly condemn recent infringements on Thai sovereignty and
incursions into Thai territory by the SLORC military and their
cohorts the DKBA [Democratic Karen Buddhist Army] that has
greatly enraged and embarrassed the Thai authorities.

Lastly, we stand firmly behind Mr Noppakate's initiatives on the
prevailing predicaments  on Thailand and the future image if the
ASEAN, without the presence of the illegal ruling military
oligarchy in Rangoon, a regime infamous for its gross human
rights violations continued detention of Burma's popular leader,
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and political detainees, amongst many and
we, Democratic Alliance of Burma firmly urged the ASEAN and the
global community to deal with Burma, when and only an elected and
democratic governing body is in place in Burma.

Tin Maung Win
Vice Chairman [2]
Democratic Alliance of Burma
Date. May 4, 1995



             Consultation meetings of Democratic Alliance on
                       solidarity and cooperation

                 The New Era Journal (No.33)/ APRIL 1995

In accordance and conformity with the prevailing political
developments and trends of Burma, consultations to strive for
united, balanced, co-ordinated and concerted political endeavours
are being initiated by the members of the Democratic Alliance
during the weeks spanning March and April last, at an undisclosed
and safe location on the borders.

The primary objectives of the consultations are:

1. To review the political situation in the aftermath of the
debacle of Manerplaw and other bastions of the Alliances.

2. To review and remedy the prevailing weaknesses in respect to
military, political, foreign relation ,social and news propaganda
etc. At present , in this state of instability on the part of the
Alliance in the wake of the military abuses as exercised by the
SLORC recently and find means and ways to reciprocate the enemy
duly and essentially.

3. To find the means and end to counter the enemy strategically,
organization-wise and region-wise and extend a welcome to all
organisations ,not yet affiliated with the National Council of
the Union of Burma [NCUB], Democratic Alliance of Burma[DAB], and
National Democratic Front [NDF] for consultations to embark upon
a course of unified and coordinated endeavours on major political

4. To explore avenues to bolster the image and support the
credibility of the combined might of the DAB, NDF, NLD [LA] and
NCGUB or known collectively as the National Council of the Union
of Burma only, and not to project an image of a front or an
organization in the offing in place of the existing NCUB.

5. To enter into discussions with an aim to give understanding
and continue to coordinate with the ethnic minorities who, on
their own pretext and ends, have entered into ceasefires under
SLORC's armed abuses and to continue the their self-determination
and equal rights and establishment of a Federal Union in the
company of the remaining ethnic nationalities and democratic

6. To affect the freedom of our model leader Daw Aung San Suu
Kyi, who is still standing against the SLORC military oligarchy
unbowed and in detention, for Burma's democracy and human rights
and all political detainees held and to seek global pressure to
affect to that end and earnestly discussed to render an all
unified stand and support behind her.

The discussions were held under most rigorous circumstances and
situation that it took four meetings to come to the conclusion.
Participants include leaders from the DAB, invited dignitaries
from organization apart from NCUB, news and media, and renowned
literary elites, Rev, U Khemar Sarya [YMU, DAB] U Tin Maung Win
[DAB], U Thant Zin [PPP] U Aung Htoo and U Moe Thi Zon of ABSDF,
U Ye Gaung [Myawaddy] of Khit Pyaing New Era Journal, U Tint Zaw,
author and student leader,U Thaung [Mirror] Chief Editor, New Era
Journal , Saw Arthur Shwe and Saw Clyde [Foreign Affairs, KNU],
and U Daniel Aung [Elected Representative, Special Guest] amongst


             Consultation meetings of Democratic Alliance on
                       solidarity and cooperation

                 The New Era Journal (No.33)/ APRIL 1995

In accordance and conformity with the prevailing political
developments and trends of Burma, consultations to strive for
united, balanced, co-ordinated and concerted political endeavours
are being initiated by the members of the Democratic Alliance
during the weeks spanning March and April last, at an undisclosed
and safe location on the borders.

The primary objectives of the consultations are:

1. To review the political situation in the aftermath of the
debacle of Manerplaw and other bastions of the Alliances.

2. To review and remedy the prevailing weaknesses in respect to
military, political, foreign relation ,social and news propaganda
etc. At present , in this state of instability on the part of the
Alliance in the wake of the military abuses as exercised by the
SLORC recently and find means and ways to reciprocate the enemy
duly and essentially.

3. To find the means and end to counter the enemy strategically,
organization-wise and region-wise and extend a welcome to all
organisations ,not yet affiliated with the National Council of
the Union of Burma [NCUB], Democratic Alliance of Burma[DAB], and
National Democratic Front [NDF] for consultations to embark upon
a course of unified and coordinated endeavours on major political

4. To explore avenues to bolster the image and support the
credibility of the combined might of the DAB, NDF, NLD [LA] and
NCGUB or known collectively as the National Council of the Union
of Burma only, and not to project an image of a front or an
organization in the offing in place of the existing NCUB.

5. To enter into discussions with an aim to give understanding
and continue to coordinate with the ethnic minorities who, on
their own pretext and ends, have entered into ceasefires under
SLORC's armed abuses and to continue the their self-determination
and equal rights and establishment of a Federal Union in the
company of the remaining ethnic nationalities and democratic

6. To affect the freedom of our model leader Daw Aung San Suu
Kyi, who is still standing against the SLORC military oligarchy
unbowed and in detention, for Burma's democracy and human rights
and all political detainees held and to seek global pressure to
affect to that end and earnestly discussed to render an all
unified stand and support behind her.

The discussions were held under most rigorous circumstances and
situation that it took four meetings to come to the conclusion.
Participants include leaders from the DAB, invited dignitaries
from organization apart from NCUB, news and media, and renowned
literary elites, Rev, U Khemar Sarya [YMU, DAB] U Tin Maung Win
[DAB], U Thant Zin [PPP] U Aung Htoo and U Moe Thi Zon of ABSDF,
U Ye Gaung [Myawaddy] of Khit Pyaing New Era Journal, U Tint Zaw,
author and student leader,U Thaung [Mirror] Chief Editor, New Era
Journal , Saw Arthur Shwe and Saw Clyde [Foreign Affairs, KNU],
and U Daniel Aung [Elected Representative, Special Guest] amongst



BurmaNet regularly receives enquiries on a number of different
topics related to Burma. The scope of the subjects involved is
simply too broad for any one person to cover. BurmaNet is
therefore organizing a number of volunteer coordinators to
field questions on various subjects.  If you If you have
questions on any of the following subjects, please direct
email to the following coordinators, who will either answer
your question or try to put you in contact with someone who

Arakan/Rohingya/Burma-   [volunteer needed]
Bangladesh border
Art/archaeology/:        [volunteer needed]
Campus activism:         tlandon@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx
Boycott campaigns:       tlandon@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx
Buddhism:                Buddhist Relief Mission, 
                         c/o NBH03114@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx
Fonts:                   [volunteer needed]
History:                 [volunteer needed]
Kachin history/culture:  74750.1267@xxxxxxxxxxxxxx 
Karen history/culture:   [volunteer needed]
Mon history/culture:     [volunteer needed]
Naga history/culture     [volunteer needed]
[Burma-India border]
Pali literature          "Palmleaf", c/o burmanet@xxxxxxxxxxx
Shan history/culture:    [volunteer needed]
Tourism campaigns:       bagp@xxxxxxxxxx "Attn. S. Sutcliffe"   
World Wide Web:          FreeBurma@xxxxxxxxx
Volunteering:            "Volunteer coordinator", c/o 

Information about Burma is available via the WorldWideWeb at:

BurmaNet News webpage:
Burma fonts:  http://www.cs.bham.ac.uk/~lka/burmese-fonts/moe.html
BurmaWeb  http://www.uio.no/tormodl
FreeBurma website
[including back issues of the BurmaNet News as .txt files]

                   106 KYAT US$1-SEMI-OFFICIAL
                   6 KYAT-US$1 OFFICIAL
PGP Key for BurmaNet [Supersedes Version 2.3a key]
Version: 2.6.i