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BurmaNet News: 13 April 1995 [#146]

Subject: BurmaNet News: 13 April 1995 [#146] [Thingyan Issue]

"Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies"
The BurmaNet News: 13 APRIL 1995 [Thingyan Issue, 1995]
Issue #146


               While expressing awareness of continuing grave human
               rights violations in  Burma, a senior Macy's executive
               said Macy's decision was based purely on  economic
               grounds. Business in Burma, the executive explained, is
               hampered by  corruption that makes normal operations




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conditions in Burma and maintains an archive of Burma-related
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necessarily reflect those of either NCGUB or Burma Issues]

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*********************CONTACT REQUESTS*************************
[Originally posted to reg.burma newsgroup]
zar1963 reg.burma        7:24 PM  Apr 10, 1995
(at violet.berkeley.edu)

Does anyone have an email address of Larry from Seattle, who is a friend
of Mike Cullinane from Wisconsin?

Thanks in advance.

By Robert Birsel

 BANGKOK, April 13 (Reuter) - Millions of people across
mainland Southeast Asia began celebrating the Buddhist new year on
Thursday but in some parts of the region security fears clouded
traditional festivities.
 Many people in Thailand, Cambodia, Burma and Laos began the most
important holiday of the year at their Buddhist temples, offering alms
to monks and sprinkling scented water over sacred Buddha statues.
 In Bangkok hundreds of thousands of people took advantage of the
three-day holiday to escape a city sweltering under the year's highest
 The exodus to the countryside caused some of the worst
traffic jams in memory on main roads leading out of the capital but
those who remained enjoyed a rare break from the city's usual
bumper-to-bumper crawl with streets virtually empty of cars.
 Foreign tourists joined in the fun, dousing each other and passers-by
with water in a secular manifestation of the
traditional Buddhist offering.
 Pick-up trucks, loaded with revellers and drums full of
water, cruised the city streets soaking everyone within range.  The
Nation newspaper, echoing the views of many Thais,
warned in an editorial on Wednesday that such activities were getting
out of hand.
 ``It is common to see hooligans speeding on motorcyles, with their
pillion riders carrying buckets of water... Pranksters have resorted to
spraying water on passers-by, using
high-velocity fireman's hoses.''
 In Cambodia people prepared for the new year despite threats of
violence by Khmer Rouge guerrillas.
 Security forces in Phnom Penh and towns in the troubled
northwest of the country were ordered on full alert to head off any
attempts by the radical guerrillas to launch attacks.
 As well as a time for visiting temples the new year in
Cambodia is traditionally a time when people clean their homes and put
up altars for offerings to ensure good fortune in the coming year.
 Many people in Rangoon also began their day at temples and pagodas but
later took to the streets to toss water at each other.
 Government departments and companies put up small stages
outside their offices where music and dance performances were held, and
from where passers-by were hosed down.
 The price of petrol on the Rangoon black market hits a peak every new
year as people buy up supplies to drive around the city in jeeps and
trucks soaking each other with water.
 The northeastern Burmese border town of Tachilek began the holiday
period with bomb attacks which one Thai newspaper said left three people
dead and several others injured.
 Burma's state media said opium warlord Khun Sa was
responsible for the blasts.
 Authorities in the Laotian capital Vientiane urged people to celebrate
the new year with restraint ``to conform with the fine Lao tradition and
culture and to ensure social order and
security,'' the state KPL news agency reported.

Wed. April 5, 1995

VICTORIA - Premier Michael Harcourt ordered a trade visit to Burma 
cancelled yesterday after the Opposition questioned the propriety of 
dealing with a country known for its human-rights abuses.
Oksana Excell, president of the B.C. Trade Department Corp., was 
planning the visit as part of a tour of Southeast Asia.
-  Craig McInnes


posted by bcn@xxxxxxxxx
 3:25 AM  Apr 12, 1995
(at xs4all.nl)
(From News system)

This is a list of companies that went to Burma on the first Dutch Trade
Mission, April 2 to 6 1995.
If more details become known, we will post em.

Name, city in Holland/Thailand
1) ABN AMRO bank, Amsterdam
2) Deerns Consulting Engineers, Rijswijk
3) Driessen Aircraft Interior Sytems (Asia) ltd, Samutprakarn, Thailand
4) Fokker Aircraft Bv, Amsterdam
5) ICN (Thailand) Ltd, Bangkok
6) IHC Holland NV, Sliedrecht
7) ING Bank, Bangkok
8) illegible, Rijswijk
9) International Legal Counsellors Thailand Ltd, Bangkok
10) Meyn Group, Oostzaan
11) NACO, Bangkok
12) Netherlands-Thai Chamber of Commerce, Bangkok
13) NKF Kabel BV, Bangkok
14) NV Organon, Oss
15) Rabobank, Utrecht
16) Souer Co Ltd, Bangkok
17) Stavibell BV, 's Gravenpolder
18) TNW Export bv, Waalwijk
19) Van Oord ACZ BV, Gorinchem
20) VSN Group, Utrecht

Greetings, BCN

10 April 1995

Coalition for Corporate Withdrawal from Burma

For more information, please contact:
Simon Billenness, 
Franklin Research and Development Corporation (617) 423-6655 ext 255 
Keir Jorgensen, Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union  (212)

For Immediate Release New York City, Monday 10 April 1995

Citing Corruption, Macy's to Quit Burma

Macy Department Stores is ending clothing manufacturing operations in 
Burma,company officials disclosed in a meeting with members of the
Coalition  for Corporate Withdrawal from Burma at MacyUs offices in New
York on Thursday  06 April.

In doing so, MacyUs joins a growing list of American companies which
have  pulled out ofBuma or refuse to do business there, including Levi
Strauss,  Reebok, LizClaiborne and Eddie Bauer.

While expressing awareness of continuing grave human rights violations
in  Burma, a senior MacyUs executive said Macy's decision was based
purely on  economic grounds. Business in Burma, the executive explained,
is hampered by  corruption that makes normal operations impossible.

Widespread official bribery is routine in Burma, the executive said. 
Macy's, however, was unwilling to make payments that could violate the
U.S.  Foreign Corrupt Practices Act, which bars US companies from making
unofficial  payments to foreign officials. Without such payments, the
executive added,  foreign companies would have great difficulty
operating efficiently and  profitably. 

Macy's was also misled regarding ownership of the factories producing 
clothing for Macy's private "Club Room" and "IN"S labels, the executive 
explained. Macy's was told the factories were joint ventures between 
investors fomAsian countries outside Burma and private Burmese citizens.
The real Burmese partner, it was later discovered, is the
military-controlled Burmese government.

A Macy's spokesperson said that in line with company policy there will
be  no official announcement of the decision. All Macy's operations in
Burma are  expected to wrap up within the next 90 days.

New York City-based supporters of democracy and human rights in Burma
say  they are dropping plans for a mid-April demonstration in front of
Macy's  flagship store in midtown Manhattan.  But they renewed calls for
consumers not to buy any goods labeled "Made in Myanmar" at Macy's or
elsewhere.  Myanmar is the name for Burma now used by BurmaUs military
dictators but rejec ted by Burmese democratic forces.

Consumer boycotts of companies doing business in Burma are gaining 
momentum. Current targets include the Los Angeles-based oil giant Unocal
and  Pespi-Cola. Unocal is building a half billion dollar natural gas
pipeline through  rain forest in suthern Burma which critics claim uses
slave labor. Pespi has  opened a bottling plant in Burma and is
cooperating with the military junta to  
promote Burmese exports. [end]

[Posted by reaproy@xxxxxxxxxxxxx]
Burma Watchers, 

Recently, there was some confusion in Washington, largely stirred up by 
claims of various UNDP officials in New York, concerning the position of
the  National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma regarding the
presence  of UNDP programs in Burma, which (by their nature), must be
conducted  through a Memorandum of Understanding with SLORC.  Evidently,
UNDP was  trying to convince the U.S. State Department to release funds
by saying the  NCGUB either didn't mind or was supportive.  Just so that
the record is  straight that the NCGUB does not support UNDP's presence
in Burma, here is a  letter sent to a key Congressperson by PM Sein Win. 
Hope this is helpful in  the debate among NGOs about whether to go into
Burma or not... Cheers, Phil <reaproy@xxxxxxxxxxxxx>

= March 20, 1995

The Honorable Benjamin A. Gilman
House Committee on International Relations
U.S. House of Representatives
Washington, D.C.  20515

Dear Mr. Chairman, 

It has been brought to my attention that the U.S. Government is
considering  providing $27.6 million to the United Nations Development
Program in 1995  for programs and activities in Burma.  

I further understand that there is some confusion over the position of
the  NCGUB regarding the UNDP programs.  I believe this confusion has
arisen  indirectly from our 1994 position paper on Humanitarian
Assistance in Burma.   
Mr. Chairman, as an elected representative of the people of Burma and as 
head of the NCGUB, I wish to inform you categorically that we do not
support  or agree to any UNDP program for Burma in 1995.  The U.S.
Government should  not provide the UNDP with $27.6 million. 

Our position paper on Humanitarian Assistance in Burma called for the UN
to  develop an integrated approach to the problems in Burma.  The paper
clearly  stated that UN economic and development assistance should be
contigent on  the progress towards a political settlement.  There has
been no progress  whatsoever on the political front.  The UN dialogue
with SLORC has been  deliberately stalled.  By attacking our
headquarters at Manerplaw, SLORC has  clearly indicated that it has no
genuine interest in negotiating with  democracy forces for a political
settlement.  Funding any UNDP program in  Burma will definetly
contradict the position we outlined.  
As stated in the position paper, the greatest obstacle to any aid
program to  Burma is the military's control over humanitarian projects. 
We recognize  the humanitarian aid need in Burma.  However, we want
humanitarian  assistance to actually reach the Burmese people, not the
SLORC.  Our  preference is for cross-border assistance directly to the
people, and in no  way, through SLORC. 

We also stated that humanitarian aid that tacitly recognizes SLORC will 
enable the junta to use such aid as propaganda to further establish its 
legitimacy.  Funding the UNDP in 1995 definetly falls in this category
and  should be avoided at all costs.  

I trust this clarifies my government's position regarding humanitarian
aid  to Burma and UNDP.  The $27.6 million to UNDP in 1995 for programs
and  activities in Burma is completely against the position of the NCGUB
and the  people of Burma. 

Thank you for your consideration of this matter.  Any additional
information  you need can be obtained at our Washington, D.C.
Information Office.  


Sein Win
Prime Minister

[Date uncertain]
   I read with concern Lally Weymouth's "Smack Land; It's time to attack
the drug lords in Burma" [op-ed, March 24]. Mrs. Weymouth's conclusion
that the United States should take direct or covert military action
against the Shan Army and Khun Sa is misdirected. It ignores the fact
that the military in Burma is the main cause for the increase in opium
       Prior to the military takeover in 1962, opium production in Burma
was insignificant. As resistance to the military increased, the military
encouraged "home guard" units to be formed. Unable to pay the home
guards, the military gave them permission to trade in opium.        Kuhn
Sa was at one time a home guard commander fighting the nationalist Shan
State Army on behalf of the Burmese military. As his drug profits
soared, he gave up being a home guard. Similarly in 1989, when the
United Wa State Army (UWSA) broke away from the Burmese Communist Party,
the Burmese military struck a deal with them. In return for UWSA's
promise not to join the Burmese democracy movement, the military gave
the UWSA "unrestricted trading privileges." No wonder opium production
in Burma has more than doubled since 1988. 
       The increase is not because the United States ended its
counter-narcotics aid program. It is because the State Law and Order
Restoration Council (SLORC) is using opium production as a tool to
remain in power. Launching a military action against Khun Sa or the UWSA
will not solve the problem as long as the military remains in power in
Rangoon. Giving SLORC counter-narcotics aid is also not the answer. From
1978 to 1988, the U.S. government provided the Burmese military with $81
million in counter-narcotics assistance. During the same time period,
opium production in Burma doubled.
       The military used the aid and helicopters and airplanes provided
to suppress the ethnic resistance and allowed more home guard units to
be formed to maintain control. In turn, the home guards trafficked in
opium to finance their operations.
       To reduce the available heroin in the United States requires, as
Mrs. Weymouth suggested, taking action against the source -- namely the
military junta in Rangoon. An effective first step would be to impose
economic and investment sanctions against the regime. Until SLORC is
replaced by a legitimate democratic Burmese government led by 1991 Nobel
Peace Laureate Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the heroin problem cannot be
   The writer is foreign minister of the National Coalition Government   
(in exile) of the Union of Burma.

Apr 11, 1995

   WASHINGTON (AP) -- The State Department offered a cautious welcome
Monday to efforts by the Burmese military to crack down on a group
responsible for much of the country's heroin trade.
   Spokeswoman Christine Shelly said the military offensive against
heroin baron Khun Sa and his family was "positive" and involved fewer
casualties than a similar dry-season confrontation a year ago.    She
added that the offensive was not necessarily a basis for changing
overall U.S. policy toward Burma.
   Rejecting Khun Sa's self-portrayal as an independence fighter, Shelly
said he and his army exist for the primary purpose of drug trafficking.
Burma is the world's principal heroin exporter.
   The United States has had poor relations with Burma's military-led
government for years because of its refusal to embrace democracy and its
persistent human rights violations.
   Shelly took note of the recent release of 132 Burmese political
prisoners, including two close associates of Aung San Suu Kyi, the Nobel
Peace Prize innr and leader of Burma's pro-democracy movement.    "We
hope that their release will bode well for Aung San Suu Kyi's release in
the short term," Shelly said.
   Aung San Suu Kyi has been under house arrest for more than six years. 

By Robert Birsel

 IN SHAN STATE, Burma (Reuter) - A potent mixture of drugs, guns and
nationalism has kept the cauldron of northeastern Burma's Shan state
boiling for more than 30 years and there is little hope tranquility will
soon return to this troubled corner of Southeast Asia.
 Television footage of Shan guerrillas and Burmese government troops
blasting away at each other in the trade and tourist town of Tachilek
was a vivid reminder of Shan state's 37 years of opium-fueled revolt.
 Guerrillas from opium warlord Khun Sa's Mong Tai Army, the MTA, raided
Tachilek on the border with Thailand on March 20 and fighting raged for
 Speaking at a guerrilla base in Shan state near Tachilek, MTA officer
Chit Shwe explained their hopes: ``We want to have our own govermen and
our own constitution. We don't want any SLORC military living in our
 As he spoke the noise of heavy weapons drifted across the mountains
from a nearby battle between MTA fighters and troops of SLORC, the
ruling State Law and Order Restoration Council.  ``We want to drive them
out as soon as we can. It might not be so easy but we must try our
best,'' the officer, a former civil servant, told Reuters recently.
 Like others in Burma's patchwork of minorities, many Shan say Burma's
military, in power since 1962, is trying to stamp out their culture in
its efforts to forge a unitary state.  Chit Shwe gave the example of the
recent demolition of an old Shan palace in the town of Kengtung, to make
way for a hotel, which dissidents say infuriated the local population. 
``They're trying to wipe out proof of our culture, our
history,'' he said.
 Chit Swe's boss, MTA commander Khun Sa, is vilified by the Rangoon
government and Western anti-narcotics agencies as the ``terrorist' kng
of opium trafficking. He has been indicted by a U.S. court on heroin
trafficking charges which he denies.  But Shan dissidents say despite
his reputation as a drug
warlord many Shan nationalists have rallied to Khun Sa as he commands
the only viable force still opposing the SLORC.
 Shan state is roughly the size of England, wedged between China,
Thailand and Burma's central plains. The edges of the Himalayas sweep
down through the state forming high ridgelines separated by fertile
upland valleys.
 The valley-dwelling Shan are members of the Tai ethnic
group, close cousins of the Thais, the Laotians and Tai
minorities in northern Vietnam and southern China.
 Long before the British arrived in Burma in the 19th
century, the Shan developed complex political structures
centered around 34 independent principalities ruled by
hereditary princes, or sawbwas.
 Burma's kings never ruled the Shan states directly leaving the sawbwas
to run their fiefdoms. The British left that system in place, leting the
princes maintain their taditional powers and prerogatives.
 Many of those privileges were guaranteed in negotiations on the eve of
Burma's indpendence in 1948 but over the next decade the sawbwas saw
virtually all of their powers whittled away by the central government.
 Shan guerrillas took to the hills in 1958 to begin their
fight for independence but while the tradition of autonomous
principalites has engendered a strong spirit of independence it has done
little to promote unity of effort.
 The Shan opposition has been plagued by factionalism and
infighting, as often spurred by competition over the state's main source
of revenue, opium, as by politics.
 Shan state's opium is grown by mountain-dwelling minority people,
bought up by itinerant Chinese traders and processed and exported by
ethnic Chinese syndicates.
 For decades Shan guerrillas have financed their battle with Rangoon by
taxing the opium caravans trudging over the hills to heroin refineries
in closely guarded border enclaves.
 With Khu S now dominating a large part of the opium
output, he can buy the guns which the Shan nationalists want. In
exchange the nationalists furnish him with a cloak of
credibility as a true independence fighter.
 ``The Shans need Khun Sa because of his money, to get guns and fight
the Burmese. If ever the Shan become very strong they might choose to
dump him,'' said one veteran Shan guerrilla.  Dissidents argue that
without autonomy for the estimated 4 million Shans there will be no
peace, and with no peace there is no hope of introducing substitute
crops and weaning impoverished mountain villagers off opium cultivation.

Keywords: urgent
ACategory: international

 BANGKOK, April 13 (Reuter) - Three Burmese soldiers were
killed and several other people injured when a series of bombs exploded
in the Burmese border town of Tachilek, The Nation newspaper reported on
 Police in the northern Thai town of Mae Sai, across a small border
river from Tachilek, confirmed the explosions early on Wednesday but
declined further comment.
 The Nation said five bombs exploded at intervals at various points
around the town soon after midnight local time.
 Last month guerrillas loyal to Burma's opium warlord Khun Sa raided
Tachilek, a normally bustling trading town, killing several government
soldiers after Burmese government forces launched an offensive against a
rebel base area in nearby
 Burma's military government has vowed to crush Khun Sa, who they call a
``narcotics trafficking terrorist,'' and his
well-equipped guerrilla army.
 Police in Mae Sai said the border crossing into Tachilek, closed by
Burmese authorities since the March 20 guerrilla raid, remained shut on
Thursday though Tachilek appeared quiet.

uneoosoc.culture.burma 7:31 PM  Apr 12, 1995
(at physics.adelaide.edu.au)(From News system)


/* Written Apr 13 6:00am 1995 by uneoo@physics. in igc:reg.burma */ /*
------------" U.N. Secretary-General visiting Aus "---------- */ 
The  United  Nations  Secretary-General,  Dr Boutros Boutros-Ghali, will
be visiting a UN Conference at Melbourne, Australia, on  April 27-29. It
is a good opportunity for Burmese pro-democracy groups in Australia  to 
draw  Secretary-General's  attention  to  continuing political disputes
and human rights problems in Burma.  It  also  a good  time  to 
approach Australian politicians, especially Senator Gareth  Evans,  to 
help  co-ordinate  the U.N.'s efforts and major democracies' in
mediating the disputes in  Burma.  I  have  already written   an  appeal 
letter  to  the  Prime Minister Chuan Leekpai for  Thai  mediations  to 
be  made  in   concert  with  its  ASEAN dialogue  partners  and
especially Australia,  between  the  ethnic minorities and Burmese army.

It is not unusual,  of course, to hear again  the complaints of the
encroachment  of Burma's sovereignty or "neo-colonalists  countries are
trying to put  ointment on  un-swollen  part". Still, there are good
intentions of international community -  which  everyone  must recognize
and respect - to see the ending  of the Burmese conflicts and this human
rights/humanitarian crises. If not, there are always legitimate 
reasons, if SLORC need some,  to be  involved  in  such process. -- U Ne

/* ---------" Letter to the European Union "--------------*/ 
TO:Mr  Helmut  Schaefer
  Deputy-Minister  for Foreign Affairs
  Department     of     Foreign     Affairs
  NO.  99-Adenauerallee

\date{March 6, 1995.}

Dear Sir,

Re:  Peace  mediation  for  Burmese  army and  ethnic minorities
I   am a Burmese national presently residing in Australia. I firstly
wish to support your efforts in urging the present  government  of
Myanmar  (Burma) to move towards  a democratic  reform. I appeal you and
the  Government of Germany   to   provide   support   in  restoring
democracy and promoting  peace  and reconciliations in Burma. In
particular, I wish  your government and the  European Union to support
with the  possible assistance to Thailand and ASEAN in  mediating  the  
rebels  and Burmese army. In this connection, I enclosed my  appeal
letter  to  the  Senator  Stephen  Loosley,  The
Chairman of Human Rights Sub-Committee of the Department of Foreign
Affairs and Trade, Australia, for your informations.

I also appeal you to raise these matters to the  Minister  Klause
Kinkel, the President of the  European  Union (EU),to please organize  a
representative committee  of the EU,  consisting  of  both politicians
and people from non-governmental organizations to oversee the  peace
mediations in Burma.

Finally,  I  should  like  to express my sincere thanks to you  for your
kind efforts made in helping the people of Burma. My thanks are   also
to the Government of the Federal Republic of Germany in   continuing
supports  to  the Burma's democracy movements.

Yours faithfully,

(U Ne Oo)


[This posting is carried in the News because of similarities in the
situation of Timorese rebels and exiles with those from Burma, as well
as some of the efforts being made to resettle refugees.--Editor

agb1bit.listserv.seasia-l 2:51 PM  Apr 12, 1995
(at postoffice3.mail.cornell.edu)(From News system)

[Timorese refugees in Macao; Portuguese policy; Australian resettlement] 
Wed, 12 Apr 1995 17:36:09 -0700
Apparently-To: indonesia-l-outgoing@xxxxxxxxxxx
Subject: ET: Passage to Freedom

Forwarded message:
>From PETERWS@xxxxxxxxxxxx Wed Apr 12 20:31 EDT 1995
Subject ET: the passage to freedom
To: apakabar@xxxxxxxxx
Content-Length: 6074

>From South China Morning Post, 13 April 1995, by Scott McKenzie: 
The Passage to Freedom

They made an unlikely lot of freedom fighters. To start with, they had
no guns, no para-military clothing and not one of them had a maniacal
gleam in his eye.
        One, as it turned out, was a Catholic priest, another a lawyer.
They discussed their resistance movement over several bottles of
Portuguese wine and were more than happy to reveal their plans ... "but
first," said the priest, "more wine."
        These were the white collar soldiers of the East Timorese
independence movement sequestered away in the tiny Portuguese enclave of
Macau helping lost, disillusioned people through the mire of refugee
bureaucracy they too had once negotiated.
        As the conversation developed, more people arrived, and the
discussion took on a scene of a Portuguese cafe with opinions flying in
all directions. The group, which eventually numbered five, was outspoken
about the Indonesian invasion of their East Timorese homeland in 1975.   
     They were even more determined that one day, hopefully in their
lifetime, there would be independence on the island, but for the time
being the steady flow of asylum seekers through Macau negates such
hopes.         Leading the group was Father Francisco Fernandes, who
left East Timor shortly after the invasion and ended up in Western
Australia. Six years ago he arrived in Macau.
        Since then, he has juggled politics, religion and the lives of
those who seek his help. His skills and those of his colleagues are
remarkable. They even hold regular talks with the Indonesian consul
general in Hong Kong about the asylum seekers they help.
        Most come to them via Hong Kong, having escaped the island of
Timor for Bali or Jakarta where they pay thousands of US dollars for a
passport to freedom. East Timorese are denied Indonesian travel
documents but money in the right places goes a long way towards a return
airline ticket to Hong Kong and a valid passport. On the pretence of a
holiday in Hong Kong, the asylum seekers leave knowing that they may
never see their families again. From Kai Tak, they go to the nearest
Portuguese territory via the well-trodden route to the Macau ferry
        As the colonial ruler of East Timor before the Indonesian
invasion, the Portuguese rightly or wrongly continue to offer a safe
        On landing and claiming asylum, the East Timorese are well cared
for by their past masters. An up-front grant of 1,000 patacas, free
accommodation, permission to seek employment, and daily cash allowances.
        "This is very good, it is not like the Hong Kong refugee camps,
these people work hard and they live good lives," Father Fernandes said.
"The Macau Government is working for them all the time."
        Most of the 100 or so asylum seekers in Macau are now awaiting
the results of final medical tests before heading off for Australia
where they will join family members.
        That they can go directly to Australia rather than making the
usually long and expensive trip via Portugal as has been the practice in
the past is again thanks to Father Fernandes. His persistent approaches
to the Australian consulate general in Hong Kong resulted in a direct
resettlement programme which began earlier this year. Such a decision
from the Australian Government had to be carefully measured against the
likely Indonesian reaction. Australia is one of the few countries to
recognise Indonesian sovereignty over East Timor. Even the United
Nations has refused such acknowledgement.
         "We are not so interested in politics, we are interested in
helping these people to get back their respect," said lawyer Manuel
        One of the East Timorese waiting for permission to leave for
Australia said: "The only way to get respect was to pay the Indonesian
soldiers and be kind to them but I cannot do that anymore ... I need to
get back my respect."
        As his words are translated from the traditional language of
East Timor, a colourful mix of Portuguese, Dutch, Chinese and Malay, a
hearty rumble of assent is sounded by the others who gather around.      
  The East Timorese have a spirit they maintain will never die. One,
Caesar Augusto, tells how he began saving to get out from the first day
of the invasion. Another tells of the sacrifices he made for his
         "I had to get them out so they could have a life of their own
and not a life that someone else [Indonesia] says they must live," said
the man.         Many of the East Timorese are camera shy, especially
the new arrivals and they have learned the hard way to be suspicious of
outsiders.         Jaime Ximenes is one of the younger members of the
Macau support group, but his membership of the tough Fretilin
pro-independence movement assures him authority. Fretilin is the
organisation which jailed leader Jose Xanana Gusmao continues to direct
from his cell.
        Mr Ximenes believes the tide of people fleeing East Timor has
ebbed and "all who want to leave have left."
        However, he said most of the departures have been by people with
money and often they were from the intellectual class. Doctors,
engineers and lawyers have left behind a brain drain that he says the
Indonesians can never refill.
        "The poor people who know they can never leave are the ones who
have taken up arms and continue to confront the Indonesian military," he
said. "They are fighting from inside the country, we are fighting in a
peaceful but constructive way outside the country."
        And, as that fight goes on and the international community
gently scolds the Indonesian authorities for their brutal methods,
little has changed for the people living there. Jakarta continues to
refuse a referendum on the territory's future and United Nations
watchdogs continue to criticise the Indonesian occupation without moving
to find a solution. 
        Twenty years on from the invasion, UN human rights rapporteur
Bacre Waly Ndiaye reports the Indonesian authorities have generated a
"climate of fear and suspicion" in the territory. Ask the Timorese who
have fled to Macau; they will agree. [ENDS]

[Posted by Peter Wesley-Smith]


uneoosoc.culture.burma10:02 PM  Apr 11, 1995
(at physics.adelaide.edu.au)(From News system)

Summary: A report on situation of human rights in Burma.

/* posted Apr 12 08:16:42 CST 1995 by uneoo@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx on
igc:soc.culture.burma */ /* ------------------" HRSUB: Dr Htin Kyaw
"-------------------- */ 
[Subject:  To inquire into and report on the human rights situation and
lack of progress towards democracy  in  Myanmar(Burma)  by  the Human
Rights Sub-committee of the parliament of Australia.         Submissions
made  to this  enquiry  by  various people  and 
organisations are posted here. -- U Ne Oo]


Part 4 of    4.



        I  am  Mr  Htin  Kyaw.  I am a Burmese. I arrived Sydney on 
14.6.1994 as a permanent resident of Australia on class 211 migrant 
refugee  visa.  I  am  a  medical  graduate  trained  on   Work   & 
Environmental Physiology and also on Occupational and Environmental 
health.  On 26.03.1992 I was dismissed from the position of Head of 
The Department, Occupational and  Environmental  Health  by  Health 
Ministry  of SLORC. In the second week of February 1993, my house ( 
No. 1. Fifth  Extension  STREet  Station  Road  Thamaing,  Mayangon 
Township,  Yangon  ) which my-self and my parents had leved legally 
for about twenty years was ordered to cacate  by  an  army  officer 
Major  Khin  Zaw  Win  on  vaxatious accusation of being a military 
squatter by verbal order. I put up  all  the  legal  documents  and 
denied  forced relocation. Major Khin ZAw Win finally agreed to put 
up the matter to Lt General Myo Nyunt. Chairman of Yangon  Division 

        In  early  October 1993 I was told by telephone to come and 
see the Director General of The Dept. of Health. I refused  to  see 
then saying that I am no longer a service man.

        In  late October 1993 I put up my application for class 211 
visa to The Australian  Embassy  in  Bangkok,  Thailand.  In  early 
December  1993  my  doctor's  Licence  to do medical practice (Sama 
2632) was withdrown by verbal order of the Health Ministry. 

        Again in last week of December 1993 there developed a  riot 
in  Hlaing  Township  Yangon  following  the murder of a university 
student by the so called four pickpockets. In the riot  there  come 
out  loud voices of Democracy, Give us Democracy and freedom and so 
on. I had been with some of the students to move on. But  SLORC  ut 
the  matter  to  an  end  by  sentencing the four suspects to death 
without proper trial in the court. IN the mean time  my  house  was 
frequented  by  police officer to the locality and harassed me with 
thousand and one questions. From this I was made to understand that 
my security was at stake. At the same time a  military  officer  of 
one  of  my close relative gave me a tip to get out out of Burma as 
quickly as possible if I  want  to  escape  unofficial  arrest  and 
detentions. I left Yangon to Singapore on 18.1.1994.

        On  13.10.94  I  received  a  phone  call  from  Yangon. My 
relative who is looking after my house informed me  that  a  verbal 
notice  by  military  officer   had  been received. It said we must 
vacate from the land not later than the 31.10.1994.

        These harsh conditions I had faced in Burma are the results 
of my defiance to militarism in defence of human  dignity  ,  human 
right and democracy for Burmese.

        Now  let  me  explain  some  of  my  activities  that  defy 
militarism and at the same time that denied the previllages offered 
to those who subjected them selves to be faithful service  man  and 
followers af militarism.

A.  I was a medical student when General Ne Win seized state power. 
ON hearing the brutal killing of about 150 students and demolishing 
of students union  building  by  explosives  on  7.7.1962,  I  lead 
medical  students  of  Medical  College  to  take  part in Mandalay 
Universities students demonstrations,  denouncing  brutal  killing, 
militarism and calling for early restoration of democracy in Burma. 
There I became a "Marked Man" in the book of military intelligents. 

B.  I  received  M.B.  &  B.S.  Degree  in 1966. While working as a 
resident medical officer I was called upon by regional  officer  of 
Mandalay  BSPP  to put up the application for membership of BSPP. I 
flatly refused to apply saying that I  had  no  regards  in  either 
Socialism  of  communism.  In return I requested Colonel Hla Tin to 
answer the question. Are you socialist ? He  said  that  he  was  a 
socialist. Do you think that the country will be ruled by socialist 
ideology and socialist principles ? He said that socialist ideology 
will  be  used  in  ruling  th  ecountry. Thus I was

- forced to join frontier medical service in chin hills while their 
follower   (those doctors  who apply for membership  of  BSPP)  get 
jobs  in  big   teaching  hospitals,  medical colleges and district 

- made to lose 10 marks out of 100 marks in all interviews made for 
promotion and selection for post-graduate studies.

        In late 1967 while I was  working  in  chin  hill  frontier 
medical service I changed by name from Tint Shein to Htin Kyaw just 
wipe out political scar on my face due to my political involvements 
in  1962  and  due  to  my  failure  to  put up the application for 
membership of BSPP.

        In 1970 I was  transfered  to  the  Department  of  Medical 
Research as no other doctors apply for the position. I took part in 
all democratic movements arising out of

- U Thant's funeral ceremony (1974)

- Protest made by Thamaing Textile Mill workers ( 1975)

        After a long and protracted delay I was permitted to attend 
Master  Degree  Course  in Medical Science (Physiology). I received 
Master Degree in Medical Science (Physiology )  with  a  thesis  on 
Work  Physiology  and Ergonomics. As a result I was promoted to the 
position of Head of the Department, Occupational and  Environmental 
Health Laboratory in 1981. In 1983 I was granted advance studies on 
Occupational  Medicine  and  work  &  Environmental  Physiology  in 
Central Labour Institute, Bombay India. In our country  no  medical 
graduate  like to work as Sientists in Medical Research of Research 
Scientists in Laboratories or as Specialist in Public Health.  Such 
positions  were given to those medical doctors who were not in good 
terms with ruling class.

        In  January  1988  I  was  elected  General  Secretary of " 
Association of  Occupational  Health".  I  attended  all  Executive 
Meetings  of  Burma  Medical  Association.  In  the  wake  of  1988 
political uprising, myself and other pro-democratic executives like 
Dr Thet Htar Wai, Dr Maung Ko, Dr Khin  Maung  Tin,  Dr  Aung  Khin 
Sint,  Dr  Mya  Thaung,  Dr  Kyaw  Myint Naing etc from among other 
executive members of B.M.A. by making prior  discussions  among  us 
steered B.M.A. movements to the cause of democracy. Thus the B.M.A. 
could carry out the works;

1.  B.M.A.  and  all  it's branches took active part on 8.8.88 mass 

2. B.M.a. requested health minister to ask other ministers 
   - to make proper trial on those  doctors  who  are  arrested  on 
criminal charges immediately and to release others without delay. 
   - to take prior consent of health ministry for further arrest of 
doctors  and  to report arrest of doctors if any within 24 hours if 
he or she is arrested without approval of the health ministry. 

3. B.M.A demand Prime Minister Thura Tun Tin to  hole  inquiry  and 
take proper action against Health Minister U Tun Wai who ordered Dr 
Tin Oo & Dr Aung Khin Sint to make an issue without the knowledge & 
consent of B.M.A executives & which adversely affected the prestige 
of the association. Inquiry was duly made.75
 U Tun Wai was dissmissed

on conviction of misuse & over rule of power.

4.  B.M.A  requested new health minister Dr Pe Thein to return Sama 
Books (Doctor's licence to do medical proctice ) to those from whon 
it was withdrown on dissmissal from service by health ministers  of 
BSPP.  I beforehand approached and let Dr Pe Thein well aware of th 
efact that a doctor's Sama can be withdrawn only on  conviction  of 
mal-practice  and  mis  -  conduct  by  a  doctor and only by Burma 
Medical Council. On receipt of the request  Dr  Pe  Thein  returned 
Sama immediately.

5. B.M.A made political issues demanding;

  -  rule  of  interin  government  during  transition  using  1947 
constitution with a few ammendaments.

  -  political freedon and immediate release of all  th  epolitical 

  -  army to go back to barracks and stop facist deeds immediately. 
  -   to  make  discussions  between SLORC and leaders of political 
parties to find for a peaceful solution for the pride and  prestige 
of the nation.

        I  actively  worked  for  two  years.  In 1990 I became the 
academic secretary of the association.

E. I had all  along  been  with  students  leaders  of  all  Yangon 
Universities  students Union. I played the role of advising student 
leaders  who  are  actively  workig  for  the  cause  of   national 
democratic movement to overthrow militarism from Burmese soil. 

        In  particular,  I  had  worked with student leaders namely 
Kyaw Than, Ko Ko Gyi, Hla Htay, Min Kyaw, Min Zay Yar etc. relating 
to the organisational structure,  unity  of  students,  conduct  of 
meetings,  agendas,  meeting minutes & resolutions, other political 
issues relating to cooperation with the worker's union movement and 
also  calling  for  active  participation  of  reknowned  political 
leaders of 1940 to 1960.

        Rangoon  Universities'  Students'  United Front after about 
four  months  of   energetic   movement   faced   the   threat   of 
disintegration  due  to  infilteration  by  destructive elements of 
militarism and get fragmented into R.U. S. U. (Original true United 
front of democratic students ). Rival Student Union of Dr. Shit Swe 
& U Sein  Lwin  of  BSPP.  and  Rival  Student  Union  of  Military 
Intelligent paid students.

        When  military  seized  state  power  leaders of democratic 
movements had to go under ground. My close friends & students  also 
take refuge somewhere.

F.  As  stated  earlier,  on  26.3.1993  I  was dissmissed from the 
service. The immediate cause of dissmissal being due to the answers 
to  33  questions  put  to  all  service  personnels.   The   other 
contrubuting  &  remote  causese  are  that I had all along been "a 
marked man" in their  book.  The  remark  is  'I  am  skillfully  & 
tactfully  going  against  military rule since student days to date 
with increasing tempo.

        For my answer to the 33 questions SLORC branded me outright 
as pro-democracy & pro-Aung San Suu Kyi & Anti - military man.  and 
sacked  me  from  service forth ewith without giving me a chance to 
explain as required by standing  service  rules.  In  short  I  was 
sacked  from  service not for inefficiency, dishonesty & others but 
for not cheating  them  by  pertending  to  be  as  their  faithful 
servants like majority of workers had done.

G.  In October 1993 I was informed by telephone to come and see the 
Director General of the Dept. of Health. I flatly  refused  to  see 
them   stating   that   I   being  no  longer  in  service  had  no 
responsibility to carry out the order. Later I was Learnt that if I 
sign a paper which stated that without knowing the details  of  the 
questions put to me I had given answers which are misleading to the 
authorities.  They  will  seriously  consider my reinstatement to a 
position which  is  lower  than  the  position  from  which  I  was 

H.  In  November  1993  my  Sama was withdrawn. It usually followed 
dissmissal orders. It is not so. It appeared to me that ,  military 
intelligents making close observation on me where ever I go, I work 
or  live  made me to loose the right of discussion with patients at 
my clinic on the present political problems Burma is facing. 

I. In February 1993, I had been verbally ordered to vacate from the 
land where I had been living legally for  more  than  20  years  on 
vaxatious  accusation of being a military squatter. I refused to do 
so showing legal documents & put up the matter to higher authority. 
It is the usual practice of the military to do  so  on  those  whom 
they  regard  as Antis. I repeatedly written order of eviction from 
authorities to Major Khin Zaw Win who came and told me to do so. 

J. As stated  earlier,  I  left  Yangoon  for  reason  of  personal 
security  to  Singapore  on  18.1.1994.  While I was in Singapore I 
received the letter for interview. I requested interview to be made 
in Bangkok as I had left Burma.  I  was  called  for  interview  on 
28.2.1994. In June I received the letter notifying that application 
for visa had been successful.

        My  case well depicted as an example of ten of thousands of 
Government servants  under  SLORC's  silent  tortures.  Failure  to 
commit  oneself  to  be  faithful  servant  of Militarism amount to 
discrimination & deprivation of  rights.  In  short,  the  means  & 
methods  they  use in torturing peoples are many & varied. Only the 
wearer knows where the shoe punches. In like manner the variety and 
the  severity of tortures made onto Burmese can be known by Burmese 



        Though promissed to carry out democratic transformations on 
cosmetic reasons, SLORC, in reality is  in no  position  to  do  so 
because  th  prime  duty  of SLORC (as given by the dictator) is to 
protect the dictator and his power at all cause as long  as  he  is 

        The  dictator  had  committed  the brutal, inhuman, silent, 
declared and undeclared tortures, persecutions, death sentences etc 
to his oppositions that he had no choice but to hold  on  power  as 
long  as  he  can.  Without power he will at stake. Therefore SLORC 
will never hand over power to peoples' representatives.

        On reason of cosmetic & to deceive the United Nation & it's 
subcommittees, other internaional organisations  SLORC  pertend  to 
move  towards  democratic transformations by the release of popular 
politicians ( like ZA Ga Na but not to htose true politicians  like 
U  Tin  Oo,  U  Kyi  Maung,  Min  Zeya etc ) and by making informal 
dialogue wiht Daw Aung san  Suu  Kyi  but  don  not  open  official 
political  talks.  This  is just to pretend that they are under way 
towards the process of democratic transformation. In fact  as  long 
as  the  dictator  is  alive  & his hardliners like Khin Nyunt, Myo 
Nyunt, Myo Thant, Than Htun, Myint Aung etc. are in  top  positions 
military will never hand over it's power to the people.

        On the other hand silent unidentified tortures persecutions 
&  deaths  of  people  though  undeclared is increasing as military 
intelligent are silently targetting those potential politicians  to 
wipe  out  of  existance.  Untimely  death. marginal nutrition poor 
hyenic conditions prevailed in an acclerated  pace.  Socio-economic 
conditions  get  worse  day by day & service sector is carpetted by 
bribery and corruption.

        Recently SLORC denied to grant doctor's  licence  to  fresh 
Medical  graduate  who  had  never  been  served  for  3  years  in 
government service against standing rule.  A  medical  graduate  is 
entitled   to  get  licence  if  he  has  completed  his  residency 
programmes. Those dictors who had put up resignation also failed to 
get out of work.

        Simultaniously SLORC is organising people by all  means  to 
support  them  through  the  media  of  NSDP.  If  they  get people 
committed to support they will assume the  position  of  VSPP.  The 
NSDP  will  become  a  new  face mask for the Facist leaders in the 
Burmses Army.

PART 4 of 4

by The Karen Human Rights Group

PART 4 of 4
Ka Htee Hta refugee camp

NAME:     "Saw Klo Wah"       SEX: M    AGE: 29   Karen Christian
FAMILY:   Single
ADDRESS:  Bu Tho township, Papun District - refugee in Ka Htee Hta camp
for 5 years.

"Saw Klo Wah" was left behind in Ka Htee Hta by the camp leader to
monitor events after most of the refugees left.

On 7/2/95, SLORC and some DKBA soldiers arrived in Oo Thu Hta [on the
Burma side of the Salween River, opposite Ka Htee Hta].  On 10/2/95 some
of them crossed to our Ka Htee Hta camp at 4:45 p.m.  17 of them crossed
in boats, and 3 came from the mountain [these 3 must have crossed
elsewhere to approach the camp from behind].  Three of them were Karen,
and the other 17 were Burmese.  They were all wearing Burmese Army
uniforms and carried weapons.  Three of them came up the hill to the Meh
Wih Der section [most of the refugees had already fled the camp, but
about 50 families were still staying in this outlying section of the
camp].  They were Karen, and they had weapons.  Two of them had G2
rifles [Burmese Army assault rifles] and the other had an M16.  All of
them were wearing Burmese Army uniforms, but I didn't see the number on
their badges.  They weren't far away, but I didn't see the number,
because I was afraid and I ran.  They called, "Don't run away", but I
was afraid and I ran.  After 15 minutes, many villagers from the refugee
camp went to talk with them.  More than 20 people went to talk, and they
spoke together peacefully.  They told the villagers to come and follow
them to Oo Thu Hta and Thu Mwe Hta, and said there wouldn't be any
problem.  I didn't go to meet with them, but I sent people to go and
listen and then come back and tell me.  On that day, 10/2/95, 15
families followed them.  They ordered those families to stay in Khaw
Taw, in Ka Ma Maung area.  They promised them everything.  They said
that there would be no problem to stay there, and that no one would  be
allowed to stay here [Thailand].  They said that to stay here was very
bad.  They said, "Burmese leaders and soldiers have prepared a place for
you on the Burma side where everything is easy."  SLORC was lying to
them.  Some people believed them, and some people didn't understand. 
They didn't know about SLORC lies, so they followed them.  They weren't
afraid because the 3 soldiers were Karen.  About 30 to 50 families
didn't go with them.  They left that evening to move to Meh Wih Kloh and
Meh Paw Kloh [further inside Thailand, where the other refugees had
already moved for safety].  It's 5 kilometres from Ka Htee Hta.  Then Ka
Htee Hta was empty. 
That first time they didn't point their guns at people, they just
organized them together.  But later, the second, third and fourth times
were very bad.  Those times they ordered people to follow them, and if
some people didn't follow then they pointed their guns at them.  That
was after February 10th.  After that the camp leader sent me here.  Then
he got information every day from the monk who was still staying at Meh
Wih Der [after the 10th, the monk and his helpers were the only ones who
dared stay there.  SLORC and the DKBA used him to pass messages to the
camp leaders, while he provided the camp leaders with information on
SLORC and DKBA activities].
NAME:     Saw Ghay Ploh       SEX: M    AGE: 45+  Karen Christian
FAMILY:   Married, several children
ADDRESS:  Ka Htee Hta refugee camp for about 10 years.

Saw Ghay Ploh was camp leader of Ka Htee Hta refugee camp.  He was
abducted and taken across the border with his family by SLORC / DKBA
less than a week after this interview was conducted. 

Between 6/2/95 and 10/2/95, everyone left Ka Htee Hta camp to go to Meh
Wih Kloh [5 km. inside Thailand] because it wasn't safe anymore, except
about 50 families in Section 1 [Meh Wih Der section].  On 7/2/95, the
SLORC was shelling Oo Thu Hta [across the Salween River from Ka Htee
Hta] the whole day.  They first entered Oo Thu Hta at 4 p.m.  On
February 8th, SLORC went to Thaw Let Hta [Mae Sam Lap, a Thai side
trading village a few kilometres downriver] by boat to get more diesel. 
On February 9th, the Thai Army left a boat with us because they couldn't
get back to Thaw Let Hta [the Thais were heading back downriver from
further north, but had to go overland the last stretch because of the
risk of SLORC attack on boats on the river].  That day SLORC and DKBA
stole that boat.  We couldn't do anything to get it back.  Then on
February 10th the DKBA and SLORC entered section 1 of our camp.  They
were wearing Army uniforms.  They were from SLORC Battalion #5.  The 4
DKBA were Pa Pyaw, Pa Doh Deh, Swee Swee and Lway Say.  I know all 4 of
them, because they used to stay in the camp.  They had uniforms with
DKBA badges, a yellow Buddhist symbol with no number - but the shirts
are Burmese Army shirts.  Pa Doh Deh had a G2 [Burmese Army assault
rifle] and the others had M16's.  They came to take the villagers back. 
15 families went back.  I think they went because they were afraid. 
Most families didn't go.

Then from February 10th to 12th, the Burmese came into the camp and took
all the village belongings and animals, including chickens, pigs, and
rice from the storehouse.  Three boatloads of soldiers came across the
river.  They took 400 sacks [100 kg. each] from the storehouse, and 100
sacks that had already been distributed from the houses.  [When the
refugees first evacuated the camp they planned to go back for these
things, but once SLORC began crossing the river they didn't dare.]  They
brought porters to carry the sacks.  The porters were Karen and Burmese. 
They took them across to Oo Thu Hta.  They had 3 big cattle boats - they
took Bo Kyaw San's boat.  It took them 3 days.  The Burmese soldiers
were carrying the sacks too.  The monks shouted at them not to take the
rice, and they just shouted back.  They also took 300 blankets from the
storehouse that were to be distributed in the camp.  The monks asked
some people to go and carry some of the rice to us so we'd have
something to eat [these people went to take some rice out of the
storehouse to carry it to the refugees at Meh Wih Klo.  For some reason
the Burmese didn't stop them doing this.]

On February 12th they killed 2 of the Buddhist refugees who went back on
February 10th.  We know because the monk and the people who carried the
rice told us.  The men they killed were Win Oo and Than Myint.  Win Oo
was 28 years old, married with 3 children.  Than Myint was 20 years old
and single - he was a Burmese student with ABSDF [All-Burma Students'
Democratic Front].  I think maybe they killed them because they wanted
Win Oo's wife, but I don't know.  He hadn't done anything.  They were
from Ka Htee Hta, Section 5.  Win Oo and Than Myint went across with the
15 families on February 10th.  Then on February 12th they were staying
in Oo Thu Hta, and the Burmese killed them by the riverside.  The monk
went across to visit Oo Thu Hta to see if he could get any of our things
back.  He saw the bodies of Win Oo and Than Myint.  They were shot to
death, and their bodies were floating in the Salween River.

On February 12th, they took 5 more families, so altogether they took 20
families, 113 people.  Three DKBA came to Meh Wih Kloh, 5 kilometres
from the river.  They came with guns to take people.  This time they
didn't ask, they said they would shoot the people if they didn't come. 
They took 5 families with them.  They said the Burmese would shell the
place, so after they left everyone 
was afraid and cried and we ran away again.  Everyone left that night
and took their children with them because they were afraid of the DKBA. 
Everyone went to Meh Paw Kloh [another hour's walk further into

We found out that on February 15th, the Burmese killed 3 of the men who
the DKBA took with them on February 12th.  Their names were Meh Ka La,
age 26, married with 2 children; Maw Bee, age 38, married with 5
children; and Pa Da Kee, age 32, married with 2 children.  The monk
heard the gunshots across the river, and then he found out from the

On February 18th the monk came to Meh Paw Kloh from Meh Wih Der and
talked to us.  He said, "The Burmese told me that at the end of this
month they will take the Meh Paw Kloh area [the new refugee camp, over 5
km. inside Thailand].  They will shell this place and force you to go
back to Burma."  He said the Burmese came to his place at night with
their weapons and gave an order for all of us to return by the end of
the month or they would shell and attack us.  I came and met the Thai
Amphur  [government administrative district chief] of Mae Sariang here
at Mae Khong Kha and he said "Don't run to here".  I told him we needed
to come here because we are afraid.  So we just came here, and now the
Amphur says it's okay.  That's funny.  Now we are here, but there are
still 50 families to come from Meh Paw Kloh.  They will come here
tomorrow.  So far [as of March 2] the Burmese haven't come to Meh Paw
Kloh.  When the monk comes again we will get more news.  Now he stays in
Meh Wih Der.  He is very charismatic, so he acts as messenger both for
us and the Burmese.

Maung Than Myint also told me something.  His niece Ma Nyay went with
the DKBA on February 12th.  She is 18 years old.  Maung Than Myint was
staying at Thaw Let Hta [Mae Sam Lap], and he says on February 21st the
DKBA brought his niece across the river and told him what happened to
her.  The  DKBA said she had been raped by 20 Burmese soldiers, all on
the same night.  He said the DKBA was very angry.  They brought her
across and asked the Thais to send her to Mae Sariang hospital, but he
says now she is in hospital in Chiang Mai.  I'm not sure.  [Note: KHRG
has not been able to confirm this story as yet.]
NAME:     "Saw Tha Htoo"      SEX: M    AGE: 28   Karen Buddhist FAMILY: 
ADDRESS:  Ka Htee Hta refugee camp

On the 10th and 11th of February I was at Meh Wih Der.  I had to take
care of the rice in the storehouse, but the Burmese soldiers wouldn't
listen to me.  They took the rice, and they made me carry it also.  They
took the rice to the river.  Then I started taking rice out of the
storehouse so we could keep it.  I took the rice to the monastery.  The
soldiers were all Burmese except for 1 Karen from Yan Gyi Aung [another
witness gave his name as Maung Lay].  He was in DKBA uniform.  There
were 8 or 9 Burmese with him at the storehouse, but there were many more
Burmese waiting at the riverside.  They were wearing uniforms.  The
Burmese at the storehouse weren't carrying weapons, they were carrying
rice.  But the ones by the riverside had guns to protect them.  Five or
six refugees had to help them.  The others were afraid and ran away. 
While we were carrying the Burmese asked us to go back to Burma.  They
said if we went back they wouldn't do anything to us, and they asked us
to take them back across the river by boat.  When they were searching
the houses and got angry, they started bayonetting the floors.  On the
11th and 12th, although we were few in number they were many, and they
emptied the storehouse.  They came with many people.  There were about
20 Burmese, and 
6 or 7 of them came to the monastery with guns.  Some DKBA came but
stayed down at the riverside.  On the 12th the monks told us not to go
to the storehouse.  Only a few people were still in Meh Wih Der - most
were afraid to stay there anymore.  After the 12th, nobody stayed there
Ber Lu Ko kidnapping

NAME:     "Saw Kaw Muh"       SEX: M    AGE: 38   Karen Christian
ADDRESS:  Ber Lu Ko refugee camp

When the SLORC took the area south of Manerplaw, refugees from Kler Thay
Lu and Mae Po Hta camps along the Moei river had to flee further inside
Thailand.  Most went to Baw Noh and other camps, but 200 or more fled to
the Thai Karen village of Ber Lu Ko, where they set up an impromptu
refugee camp.  Saw Kyaw Li, or "Uncle Jolly", was staying there.  He was
formerly camp leader at Kler Thay Lu, but at Ber Lu Ko he was only in
charge of transport and communication.

Uncle Kyaw Li was kidnapped on March 2nd.  They came at about 7:30 in
the evening.  Altogether there were 30 of them, and 6 came into the
village to catch Kyaw Li.  I saw six, then I ran from the house.  They
were Karen, wearing uniforms but without badges.  They had guns, M16 and
AK47.  They came in 2 groups, one from the east to Uncle Kyaw Li's house
and the other from the west, to Ko Lay's house.  Uncle Kyaw Li was
visiting his niece.  He met the DKBA here, in front of my house, after
he left his niece's house.  They caught him and beat him.  They kicked
him and beat him with a torchlight.  Uncle Kyaw Li is 70 years old,
maybe 80.  He is not too unhealthy, but he has high blood pressure.  I
think they said to him, "We asked you to come back with us and you
didn't come back.  If you stay here you have alot of power, so we've
come to get you."  Then they tied his hands and took him to Meh Tha Waw. 
They left at 10 p.m.  All the other soldiers came from around the
village and they went to the car road.  We knew there were about 30
because we saw them sitting and smoking outside the village, and later
we saw their footprints.

They left a letter in the village.  It said, "Everyone must go back. 
You will get trouble if you stay here."  It said we all had to go back
by March 5th, 2 days from now.  I didn't see the letter - the camp
leader got it, and he burned it.  I don't think people will go. 
Buddhists won't go, and Christians won't go.  They make problems for
everyone.  If they were just Buddhist soldiers we would go, but they
have joined with the Burmese.  If they come again we'll go to another
place.  There are 27 households of new refugees here.

Now Uncle Kyaw Li is being held at Meh Baw Plaw.  His bodyguard went
after him with his daughter, and he came back this morning and told us. 
He is not dead.  I don't know if they will kill him.  I don't know what
DKBA's ideas are, joining with the Burmese.  They are both the same. 
Kyaw Li is Christian SDA [Seventh-Day Adventist, which is particularly
hated by the DKBA because it is Gen. Bo Mya's religion].  His wife
already died.  He has 4 children.  At Kler Thay Lu he was camp leader. 
Now his daughter is with him.  She is also Christian.

We don't know about the DKBA's relations with the Rangoon government or
why they've joined with them, but we know that they hate the Christians
and if we go back we'll surely have trouble.  If we thought the
situation were safe and okay, we would go back.
Gray Hta killings

NAME:     "Naw Paw Nwee"      SEX: F         AGE: 49   Karen Christian
FAMILY:   Married, 6 children aged 13-27
ADDRESS:  Hlaing Bwe township, Pa'an District - now a refugee in

"Naw Paw Nwee"'s family lives just outside Gray Hta refugee camp in

I have been living on the Thai side for 18 years.  [The other night, on
March 9] we were in our field hut.  They came at 1:30 a.m.  We were
sleeping.  They pointed a gun at us and said, "Don't move".  When they
entered the hut there was a cross, a Bible and a hymn-book on the table,
and they threw them away.  Three men entered the hut, and the other
three stayed outside.  Only one man had a gun - the other two had no
guns, they had knives.  I don't know about the others outside.  People
told me the gun was an AK47 [the Thai soldiers told her the next day
after finding the cartridge cases].  Only one man wore an army uniform -
the others wore black T-shirts and black pants, but the one with the gun
wore shorts.  They had cloth over their faces, with holes for the eyes. 
I think they were Karen.  They spoke Karen and Burmese, each spoke a
different language.  They pointed their gun at all of us: myself, my
husband and my son.  They said "Just don't move and keep your mouths
shut".  Then they asked for money.  While one of the men pointed the
gun, the other two went to look around in the other rooms.  When they
came back, the one who had the gun went into the rooms and looked again. 
Those men took all the new clothes from our house.  They took my 2
necklaces, my ring, one pair of earrings and 10,140 Baht [about US$406,
their life savings - note that poor people in Burma use jewellery as a
form of savings, because banks are inaccessible and unreliable].  My
husband gave them the money and said, "We only have that money, I swear
to God."  Then the man said, "The situation is not like before.  There
is no God any longer."  He said it in Karen.  Then he shot my husband in
the mouth and in the shoulder.  He shot my son in the jaw, and again in
the chest.  The bullet came out through his back.  He shot them two
times each.  After that they just left.  After a few minutes I heard the
sound of a car on the road.

My other son ran away when they entered the house.  He was sleeping in
the kitchen.  He is only 12 years old.  When he ran away he saw the men
who were outside the house.  They had torchlights.  They were shining
them on the house, and telling the others in Burmese not to fire their
guns.  My husband's name was Saw Htoo Htoo.  He was 61 years old.  My
son was Tamla Htoo.  He was 27.  He has a wife and 4 children.  The
eldest is 7 years old, the youngest is 4 months.  Before, we planted
tobacco, and my son sold the tobacco.  That was all the money we had
saved.  My son was a good boy.  He never asked for clothes.  He never
made any trouble for his parents.  He was helping his father because our
younger sons are still in school.  [The family farmed tobacco and
vegetables on the Burma side of the river, but stayed in a hut on the
Thai side of the river for safety.  This is where the attack took
Meh Po / Huay Heng truck shooting

NAME:     Pu Taw Ploh         SEX: M    AGE: 60   Karen Christian
FAMILY:   Wife now dead, 5 children aged 6 to 28, and grandchildren
ADDRESS:  From Mae Let Hta area, Papun District; later a refugee in Mae
Paw Muh Hta, Thailand

Pu Taw Ploh's wife Naw Peh, age 60, was killed in the shooting. 
We have been in Thailand for 1 year.  We came through Mae Let Hta and
stayed in Mae Paw Muh Hta, then to Kaw Mu Der, Meh Po and Htee Loh Tee
Klo [after they had to flee Mae Paw Muh Hta because the SLORC was across
the river].  When we lived in our own place, nothing happened to us. 
Now when we moved to Thailand, the Burmese troops shot us.  There were 6
families on the truck, 5 Christian and one Buddhist.  Many brought their
things with them.  Our things were put in another truck which went
earlier.  I was at the back of the truck, but my family was in the
middle, all our children were in the middle.  I saw 3 men come wearing
military uniforms, all of them.  They were around a curve in the road,
on the bank alongside the road, on the driver's side.  It was higher
than the truck, so they could see us on the back.  All of them had guns
- one AK47, one carbine and one mortar [M79 grenade launcher].  They
said nothing.  When they saw us, they stopped our truck and started
shooting at once.  I saw the man on the hillside raising his hand to
stop the truck, then the truck stopped, and when it stopped they came
running down shooting.  I couldn't do anything, just run away.  If we
didn't run away, we would all be killed.  They came running down, and
they were shooting while they ran.  I was the first to jump out.  When I
jumped out of the truck, I didn't care how I fell, I wasn't afraid of
being hurt by the fall, I was just afraid of their shooting.  They were
shooting dat dat dat dat dat, then automatic fire.  My wife was afraid
and tried to jump out of the truck.  When she was about to jump, the
bullet hit her.  She was shot in the back.  The bullet came out her
front, together with all her internal organs.  Her name is Naw Peh. 
After we jumped down, they fired their M79.  The glass of the windshield
was smashed.  It hit in front of the truck, and most people were hit by
the shrapnel.  Four of our children were hit.  Five in our family, 4
were wounded and my wife died.  All of my children were wounded by shell
splinters.  One of my nieces, my wife and the driver were hit by
bullets.  My niece was hit right where she was as soon as the shooting
started, she was the first one hit.  The bullet hit her forehead, and
split her head apart.  The others were wounded by splinters.  Each of
them was seriously wounded.  One was hit in the temple, my grandson Kya
Ma Lay.  As soon as we jumped down, we went down a steep bank into the
gully.  When the soldiers came down to the road we were already in  the
gully.  We ran away any way we could, we went towards Kaw Thu Mwe
village and slept there that night.  I was carrying my grandson on my
back.  There is a medic there who can treat small wounds, but not big
ones.  Then they sent my grandson to Mu Yu [Mae Sariang] hospital
[before sending him, foreign NGO staff who arrived had to do a
transfusion and splenectomy in the field to save the little 5 year old
boy's life, because he had also been hit badly in the abdomen].  The
others were not so serious.  They stay in other people's houses [in Mae
Ra Mu Klo camp] and go to the clinic every day to get dressings.

An elephant driver was hurt too.  When he saw the attack he jumped off
his elephant and ran, and he was hit by a splinter in his back.  Ours
was the only truck that got shot.  There were 5 trucks, we were the
second and there were 3 more behind us.  The people behind saw, and they
stopped their trucks and ran away [they went and notified the camp
leader, who went to the scene together with Thai soldiers the next
morning].  I didn't go the next morning. 
 I was aching all over.  My son-in-law went to see at about 9 a.m.  The
men had searched my niece's bag, took her earrings and 80 Baht [Thai
currency] and tore up her bag.  My wife also had money in her bag, but
it was still there.  She used her bag to cover her wound.  She was
laying face down and stuffed it against her wound.  They [the
authorities] took pictures of her, then her body was brought back and we
buried her.

The men didn't shout anything, just raised their hand to stop the truck
and shot.  Their clothes were dark green, like usual, like SLORC
uniforms.  They looked like they could have been Burmese, but not for
sure.  Maybe DKBA, but they looked like SLORC because they were wearing
SLORC uniforms.  They didn't talk so I couldn't tell.  Two of them had
nothing on their heads, and the other had a cap.  [DKBA men often wear
yellow headbands.]
NAME:     Naw Krit Heh        SEX: F         AGE: 27   Karen Christian
FAMILY:   Married, 1 child aged 3, now 5 months pregnant ADDRESS:     
>From Mae Mweh Hta area, later a refugee in Mae Paw Muh Hta, Thailand

I came to Thailand one year ago, first to Pway Baw Lu and then to Mae
Paw Muh Hta, section 4.  We left Mae Paw Muh Hta, and last Thursday we
were being moved here.  We were on the truck with our belongings.  I was
with my husband and child, and also my parents.  I was in the back, just
behind the cab.  I saw soldiers.  Burmese.  Three of them, with guns. 
They had military uniforms.  The colour was green, Burmese green.  They
were Burmese Army uniforms, but I didn't see the badge.  [Note: the cut
and colour of Burmese Army uniforms are noticeably different from KNLA
and other opposition uniforms.]  They looked like Burmese soldiers. 
They said "Stop", in Karen.  Two of them were beside the road and one
was in front of us.  The two beside the road stopped the truck.  After
we stopped, they started shooting at us.  The one in front of the truck
shot first.  I couldn't count the shots.  They shot constantly, and
while they were shooting we tried to run away.  They shot their mortar
[M79 grenade] at the truck.  When it exploded, I was hurt by a splinter
and I jumped out and ran.  My child was in my arms, and my husband ran
in front of me.  They kept shooting.  I didn't follow my husband, I ran
another direction.  I ran down the slope and then crossed the field.  My
child was wounded just a little.  When the mortar exploded, a splinter
hit the truck mirror and a piece of glass hit him [his name is Nay Hta
Ghay, age 3].  We ran to Tee Law Hta.  Then the next day, people took us
by car to the clinic [at Mae Ra Mu Klo camp. Naw Krit Heh had a wound
behind her left ear and 3 small superficial wounds on her back].  My
husband was also wounded.  My mother Naw Peh died in the truck.  We were
sitting down together in the truck.  When she stood up to run, the
Burmese shot at her.  When the mortar exploded, I looked for a second at
my mother and then I ran away.  May Paw was my sister-in-law.  I saw
when she was shot.  She was shot in the head and she died immediately. 
They were both shot by AK47 bullets.

They shot us at Thay Wah Der, just a few minutes from our old camp [Meh
Po Kee].  We left everything in the truck.  I didn't dare go back to get
them.  People who went back saw my belongings and said they were all
covered with blood.
NAME:     Saw Kwa        SEX: M    AGE: 49   Karen Christian FAMILY:  
Married, 4 children aged 8-24
ADDRESS:  From K'Thay Kee village, later a refugee in Mae Paw Muh Hta,

We used to grow hill rice and paddy rice, and I'm also a carpenter.  We
came to Thailand 3 years ago, first to Thu Moei Hta camp [forcibly
repatriated by the Thai Army in mid-1992], then to Mae Paw Muh Hta.  I
was in the truck.  I was in the cab, wedged between the driver and the
"spare man" [both Thais].  There were 3 of us in the cab.  I'm not sure
how many people were in the back, maybe 13 or 14.  Also some belongings,
and 6 goats and 2 pigs.  The people were from 4 families, but only some
members of each family.  I was the only one from my family, except my
one sibling.  The men blocked the way, stopped the truck and pointed
their guns.  I didn't hear whether they shouted or not.  They just
pointed their guns and then the guns fired.  We didn't hear anything, we
didn't have time to listen.  As soon as they pointed their guns we just
ran.  I didn't have a chance to look.  But listening to the gunfire and
looking later at the place, I think there were about 20 of them.  I only
saw one myself.  He came out of the jungle, a small gully around a bend
in the road.  He was at the right side of the road, the driver's side. 
He stopped the car and then he shot the driver.  Then the other guns
followed.  I saw him and then I couldn't see anymore, but I heard 6 or 7
guns.  There was an uphill slope on the road, and they shot down the
hill at us.  When I was running, a bullet just grazed my back.  I think
the driver was hit instantly, but I didn't have time to look.  He died. 
Then the M79 exploded and injured the children. 
It was 5 o'clock in the evening and we were between the hills, so I
didn't see him very clearly.  It looked like he had a soldier uniform. 
The others were up the slope.  They fired at the car, and they fired at
those who were running.  As soon as I was out of the truck I went down
the gully and followed the stream.  The [Thai] "spare man" caught up
with us, and the others came up one by one.  Small children were running
by themselves until others saw them and helped them.  Eleven or twelve
people were wounded by the M79.  I had a bag on the truck, one or two
machetes and a bag of rice.  I was so scared I never went back.  Nobody
asked about their belongings.  The next morning people found them, and
one of the small goats was playing with the child who had been left
behind [Naw May Paw's child, about 4 years old, who stayed alone beside
his mother's body all night.]

These men were not robbers.  The yellow headbands ["Ko Per Baw", the
common name people have adopted for the DKBA] rebelled against the
Christians, and now they have joined the Burmese.  The two groups have
become one.  We are refugees and we are in a KNU area, so they attacked
NAME:     Naw Shay Roh        SEX: F         AGE: 42   Karen Christian 
I was standing in the back of the truck holding on to the side.  I saw
two men shooting, but I didn't see the man who stopped the car.  I saw
them standing and crouching and shooting their guns down.  I had no time
to look - when they shot, I ran.  All 5 of my children were on the
truck.  My youngest is 5 years old.  As soon as I jumped down, I heard
an explosion.  I grabbed my youngest child and ran.  I fell down into
the gully.  I didn't even know I was wounded until I got to the stream
and I saw the blood running down from my knee.  The others were the same
NAME:     Naw Meh Ta Ker SEX: F         AGE: 17   Karen Christian 
When they started shooting, I was so afraid I went like this [she hid
her head in her arms] and I didn't see anything.  I didn't dare look up. 
Then I looked.  I didn't see the one who stopped the truck, but I saw
the ones on the hillside.  They were wearing 
Army green, like Tatmadaw [Burmese Army].  They shouted "Whay!" [this
could be either a Karen or Burmese shout].  The young woman died near
me,and the old woman too.  Naw May Paw was laying like this by her
bundle, and her child was sitting there.  I was afraid, I saw people
die, I saw Naw May Paw's brain coming out and I saw blood so I slid down
out of the truck and ran.  [According to other witnesses the child,
about 4 years old, was left behind and stayed by his dead mother all
night long, until he was found along with the bodies the next morning.]


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