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BurmaNet News 11th April #144 (r)



/* Written  6:16 AM  Apr 11, 1995 by burmanet in igc:reg.burma */
/* ---------- "BurmaNet News 11th April #144" ---------- */


**************************BurmaNet***************************
"Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies"
*************************************************************
The BurmaNet News:11 APRIL 1995
Issue #144
++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++


NOTED IN PASSING:

Contents:

**********************BURMA ON THE WEB************************
*********************CONTACT REQUESTS*************************

************************INSIDE BURMA*************************
BKK POST: SELF-RULE FOR SIX BURMA ETHNIC MINORITIES AGREED
BKK POST: BURMA REJECTS COMPLAINT BT THAILAND OVER INCURSION
THE NATION; BURMA BIDDING TO BOOST REGIONAL SECURITY, CLAIMS
            KEY SLORC MAN
THE NATION: BURMA DENIES THAI CLAIMS OF RAID

*************************THAILAND************************
BKK POST: CALL TO EASE RESTRICTIONS ON CONSTRUCTION EXPORTS
BKK POST: CHARAN : THAILAND NOT SUPPORTING KHUN SA
                   ALONG NORTHERN BORDER
BKK POST: MEKONG COUNCIL AGREES TO INVITE China, Burma
TNE NATION: STUDENTS PROTEST FM'S VISIT TO RANGOON

*************************ARTICLES****************************
BKK POST: DENY SLORC ACCESS TO WALL STREET

****************************LETTERS*************************
THE NATION: BURMA A ROGUE ELEPHANT
THE ANTION: RELIGIOUS WARS

***************KAREN STATE/KAWTHOOLEI**********************
KHRG: WHITHER DKBA?: THE SLORC'S NORTHERN KAREN OFFENSIVE
PART 3 of 4

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CALL TO EASE RESTRICTIONS ON CONSTRUCTION EXPORTS ALONG NORTHERN
BORDER
8 APRIL 1995

Businessmen in this northern province yesterday called for a
relaxation of restrictions on the export of constructions mate-
rials via the temporary Ban Pang-ha border pass in Tambon Koa
Chang to reduce production costs.
The proposal was discussed during a seminar yesterday between
businessmen from Chiang Rai and Burma's Tachilek district as
well as Thai Customs officials.
Earlier this week, the Thai-Burmese Border Committee ordered the
opening of the temporary border passes at Ban Muang Daeng in
Tambon Mae Sai and Ban Pang-ha to improve the economic situation
in border areas affected by recent fighting between Burmese Gov-
ernment troops and Khun Sa's Mong Tai Army.
However, it was decided that only consumer goods would be
allowed to be transported through Ban Muang Daeng pass while
construction materials such as cement could be exported through
Ban Pangha pass.
But Businessmen claim construction materials should also be al-
lowed through Ban Muang Daeng pass to facilitate trading as it
is closer to Mae Sai and Tachilek districts than is Ban Pangha
pass.
Meanwhile, traders from Tachilek have proposed that the Chiang
Rai Chamber of Commerce call on the Thai Government to negotiate
with the Burmese to reopen the Tachilek border pass as business
in the area was suffering.
They said the prices of consumer goods had increased three-fold
in Tachilek and that people were also short of medicines.
The proposal is to be raised with Chiang Rai's Governor Kamron
Booncherd short for further action later. (BP)


SELF-RULE FOR SIX BURMA ETHNIC MINORITIES AGREED
8 APRIL 1995

The convention drawing up guidelines for Burma's new constitu-
tion agreed yesterday to grant self-administered status to six
smaller ethnic groups living in regions dominated by larger mi-
nority groups.
U Aung Toe, chief justice of the Supreme Court and chairman of
the convention's works committee, announced that , under the
guidelines, the ethnic Naga group would be permitted to self-
administer three townships in northwestern Burma.
He said in the northeast, the ethnic Wa group would gain control
over six townships, the Paoh group would be handed three and the
Danu, Kokang and Palaung groups would each get two townships
The 700-member  convention representing political parties, eth-
nic groups,workers, peasants, technocrats, civil servants and
invited guests have been meeting since January 1993 to create
the guidelines for the constitution.
The convention, which adjourned until October 23 after making
its announcement, spent six months discussing the question of
self-administered areas before delegates reached the decision
announced yesterday.
There are 235 ethnic groups in Burma, a dozen of which fought
for decades against the central government for greater autonomy.
(BP)


BURMA REJECTS COMPLAINT BT THAILAND OVER INCURSION

Burma has rejected a recent Thai complaint over an alleged vio-
lent incursion into Thailand by Burmese army troops, Burma's
state-run media reported.
The rejection, in a protest letter this week, is the latest in a
series of complaints and accusations exchanged between the two
countries and comes on the eve of a trip to Rangoon by Foreign
Minister Krasae Chanawong.
Burma's state television, in a news broadcast monitored in Bang-
kok late on Thursday, said Thailand's ambassador to Burma Poksak
Nilubol was summoned to the Burmese Foreign Ministry and handed
a letter rejecting a March 20 Thai complaint over an alleged
raid into Thailand by Burmese troops.
"The protest letter presented by the Myanmar (Burmese) Foreign
Ministry states that (Burmese) soldiers were in no way involved
in that incident," the television said.
The incident was connected to a split in Burma's Karen National
Union (KNU) guerrilla group, the television said.
Accusations that Burmese government troops were involved in such
incidents could create unnecessary misunderstandings between the
two countries, the broadcast added.
Normally cordial relations between the two neighbours have been
strained since the beginning of the year when a Burmese army
offensive against the KNU sent thousands of refugees into Thai-
land.
Hundreds of Burmese army shells landed on the Thai side of the
border in attacks on KNU bases on Burma's side, forcing hundreds
of Thai villagers to flee their homes.
Local Burmese army commanders accused Thai forces in February of
assisting the autonomy-seeking guerrillas who operate out of
areas of Burma on the border with Thailand. Thai commanders re-
jected the accusations.
Thailand has lodged several complaints about Burmese soldiers
and members of a Karen guerrilla splinter faction which recently
joined Burmese government forces crossing the border to harass
and attack refugees and Thais.
In another incident, Burmese media, citing an official from the
ruling military body, last month deplored Thailand's refusal to
hand over a raid on a northeast Burmese border town.
Dr Krasae arrived in Rangoon yesterday and immediately met his
Burmese counterpart Ohn Gyaw. He was set to meet the military
government's intelligence chief Lt-Gen Khin Nyunt today, a Thai
Foreign Ministry official said. (BP)


MEKONG COUNCIL AGREES TO INVITE China, Burma

The Mekong Council agreed yesterday to invite China and Burma to
participate in the council's first formal dialogue in Phnom Penh
in an attempt to draw cooperation of all riparian countries for
sustainable development of the Mekong River.
The council's decision came after Thailand responded to gestures
from Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam in their welcoming messages
Wednesday for the participation of the two other nations of the
upper Mekong River basin.
"China and Burma will be invited to participate in our first
formal discussions both of the Mekong Council and the joint
committee," said a Thai delegate.
The Mekong Council chaired by Cambodia on alphabetical order, is
scheduled to formally meet in Phnom Penh in July whereas the
joint committee will meet in Vietnam in June, as arranged in
reverse alphabetical order.
The joint committee yesterday discussed the Basin Development
Plan which will be used a base plan for the newly-formed Mekong
River Comless community
relocation.
Mr Prathes said there is also a water diversion plan to draw
from from the mainstream in Lao's Pak Lay city into Thailand's
Nan River in the wet season through underground tunnels.
Under the new Mekong agreement, water diveres.
Cambodia proposed two projects, Prathes said. One of them is the
Kirirom hydropower project which had its first preparatory
meeting last year. The project is supported by Austria and
Sweden.
Another project is Prek Thnot which had been shelved due to the
civil war between the Khmer Rouge and the Vietnamese-supported
government since 1975. (BP)


BURMA BIDDING TO BOOST REGIONAL SECURITY, CLAIMS KEY SLORC MAN
9 April 1995

MARISA CHAMPRABHA

THE Burmese junta's attempts to bring about national
reconciliation should be seem as a "plus factor" in ensuring
regional security, not as a destablizing influence, Burmese
Foreign <Minister Ohn Gyaw said yesterday.
Burma's size, population and its "disciplines" were
contributing factors not only to the Asean grouping, but for
the whole region, he said.
The Burmese military government's offensive against the Karens
early this year, which resulted in the capture of the Karen
headquarters at Manerplaw and a flood of refugees in to
Thailand, has been widely criticized.
"Our country, Burma, is not destablizing regional security, We
are trying to protect it," Ohn Gyaw said.
Ohn Gyaw yesterday said farewell to Foreign Minister Krasae
Chanawongse at Rangoon airport at the end of his two-day
official visit to Rangoon as a guest of the Burmese Foreign
Ministry.
Krasae said yesterday he was satisfied with Burma's moves
towards democracy and improved human rights because it had
shown sincerity in waiting national reconciliation and
national development.
The minister, however, stressed that Thailand supported
Burma's attempted at peaceful reunification, bur not by
fighting ethnic minorities, and would still support Burma's
participation in the Asean forum in July.
"Thailand is now more confident about Burma concerning its
policy od national reconciliation, as it has achieved success
in negotiation with its 14 ethnic groups which previously had
fought for self determination," Krase said.
Krase on Friday had talk with Ohn Gyaw and the powerful leader
of Burma'[s Slorc secretary general Lt Gen Khin Nyunt.
"Democracy and human rights are good and Burma wants both. But
each country has its own situation and Burma needs to improve
in these two areas," Khin Nyunt was quoted as saying.
"Burma know about the outside world's criticism. However each
country has its own way of developing democracy and human
right," said Krase.
"After talking with Ohn Gyaw and Khin Nyunt, I am pleased and
satisfied with their effort to develop democracy and Human
rights in Burma. The Burmese government is not only attempting
restore national unity, it has developed the country in many
areas, including the border province.
"Therefore we believe Burma is sincerely trying to bring about
a national reconciliation," Krase said.
Symbion Sa-ngaimbutr, director general of East Asia Affair at
the Foreign Ministry said Burma's achievements in negotiations
with its ethnic groups were convincing.
"Bangkok previously had no confidence in Burma's policy to
unify the ethnic groups into the country, but at present there
are only two groups still resisting, The Karen and Mons. Burma
has pledged to continue attempts to bring them into the fold,"
Symbion said.
During the Rangoon talks Khin Nyunt had stressed his
government's determination to develop the border province and
restore unity to the country.
Krase said that he was informed that the Burmese foreign
ministry had been assigned to handle issues concerning human
rights the environment and drugs, to show that Burma was
sincere in wanting to improvements in these areas.
Ohn Gyaw, meanwhile, stressed that if Asean invited him to
attended the 28th Asean meeting in Brunie in July he would
have no problem accepting.(TN)


BURMA DENIES THAI CLAIMS OF RAID
9 April 1995

BURMA has denied Thailand's allegations that its military
personal raided a house in Tak province in March in a letter
submitted to Thai Ambassador to Rangoon Poksak Nilubol,
according to an informed source.
Thailand accused Burmese troops of the March 2 pillaging of a
house belonging to Thai citizens in Tak, in which the owner
was injured. Bangkok lodged the first of several complaints on
the issue with several complaints on the issue with Burma's
Bangkok based envoy on March 23.
The source said this is Burma's first response to the
allegation, and is first response to the allegation, and its
first outright denial of Burmese troop activity in Thailand.
"Thailand has lodged protect notes over several other
incidents, and the Burmese side just said it would take them
into consideration,"  the sources said. According to Burma's
letter, none of its military personal was involved in these
incidents.
The document stated that armed clashes had taken place between
a Karen group known as DKBO and followers of Gen Bo Mya,
resulting in cross border activities.
"Burma's authorities are not responsible for the actions of
groups with whom there are no formal agreements and who have
not yet returned to the legal fold. It is well known that
these groups have been operation in and out of Thailand for
decades," the letter said.
In the denial, Burma claimed to have always respected the
sovereignty and territorial integrity of its neighbours,
saying it has never allowed armed insurgents to station
themselves in or act against neighbouring countries.
"The use of "Myanmar military personnel" could give rise to
undesirable misunderstanding between the two nations, and the
foreign ministry would therefore like to advice the Thai
Embassy to inform the authorities concerned to desist from
using this allegation which is at variance with the truth and
is detrimental to the existing friendship between both
countries." the letter stated.(TN)


CHARAN : THAILAND NOT SUPPORTING KHUN SA
9 April 1995

THAILAND has cooperated well with Burma to help suppress drug
warlord Khun Sa by closing its border to prevent foreign
forces from fleeing here, NSC secretary general Charan said.
Charan said Burma should know Thailand has not allowed Khun Sa
to use Thai territory as a base to send forces to counter-
attack Burmese soldiers as a accused by that country's press
officials.
He also denied Thailand has given refuge to Khun Sa.
Gen Charan insisted Thailand does not want people of other
countries to cross into Thai soil and stage political or
military moves in Thai territory.
Chanran said Thailand considered problems in Burma strictly
internal.
But Burma's crackdown on Karen people and Khun Sa' MTA have
affected Thailand since a large number of refugees have
escaped fighting along border areas.
He said the international community should know Thailand has
been exhausted with the burden of taking care of refugees.
Charan said a meeting of security officials on Wednesday
resolved to step up protection for Thai people at the border.
The  NSC would not change its policy on neighbouring
countries.(BP)


DENY SLORC ACCESS TO WALL STREET
9 April 1995
By Myint Thein

The two main obstacles to attracting long term investment
capital to Burma are the unrealistic exchange rate and
political uncertainly. By choosing to face economic reality,
Slorc is in the process of removing one major obstacle.
Slorc now needs to face political reality by releasing Suu
Kyi and engaging in a genuine political dialogue with the
elected leaders.
Illegitimate governments cannot attract significant long term
capital from Wall Street, the main source of investment
capital.
The unrealistic foreign exchange rate has been a major
obstacle in attracting foreign investment, But some companies
have been able to manoeuvre around the exchange rate
restrictions by engaging in counter-trade.
For instance, Pepsi has repatriated its earnings by exporting
Burmese commodities. The company purchases teak in Burmese
kyats and then exports it. The company receives payment in US
$ after deducting for customary bribes.
You have to pay several layers of Slorc official to receive
permission to export teak.
This de facto system of repatriating profits works, but it is
inefficient and corrupt. De facto devaluation may solve this
problem.
De facto devaluation will have a limited impact if it is not
accompanied by soundange rates in Burma.

Political risk: The Burmese Resistance has made it clear
that it will confiscate assets of foreign firms that
actively support Slorc.
This warning is clearly heard by American firms and four
major American firms have already terminated their business
activities in Burma.
The Burmese Resistance is now organised in over thirty
cities in America with affiliates all over the world.  In a
few months we will be holding a meeting in New York to
further develop our plans for a trade and investment boycott
against SLORC.
This national meeting is sponsored by Franklin Research and
Development Inc. and the Interfaith Council for Corporate
Responsibility, an orgaization  of 250 religions
organizations with over $30 billion in assets.
We will be formulating plans for: (1) Shareholder activism.
We will stage proxy battles at the annual meetings of firms
doing business in Burma. The real owners of  the companies
are shareholders, not management. We will force management
to get shareholder approval to do business in Burma. (2)
Selective Purchasing legislation. Berkely, California has
already decided not to purchase goods and services from
companies doing business in Burma.  The State of
Massachusetts is already making similar plans.  We plan to
have more cities, countries and states join the trade
boycott against US companies doing business in Burma.
(3) Campus activism. We will ask College Endowmwnt funds to
vote their shares for our proposal at the annual meeting. We
will also ask colleges to ban Pepsi vending machines on
campus. If the reduced Pepsi sales on college campus exceed
Pepsi sales in Burma, we will send a strong message to Pepsi
and other companies interested in doing business in Burma.
(4) Legal Activities. Several leading  US legal firms has
offered pro bono(free) services. We will use their services to
file lawsuits against Unocal for human rights violations and
environment al damage on projected related to the natural gas
pipeline. We plan to seek damages in excess of one billion
dollars.

De facto devaluation of the Burmese kyat will only have a
limited impact. To attract significant long term investment
capital. Slorc must engage in a guenie political dialogue
with the Burmese democracy movement. Burma will not attract
significant long term capital without access to Wall Street
and exchange stabilization assistance from the IMF. The
biggest financial supporter of the Burmese democracy
movement is George Soros. Soros manages an $11 billion
investment fund. Recently he start a $1 billion Indian
investment fund. People like George Soros can make more
investments than investors from Thailand, Malaysia and
Singapore.

If Slorc wants to attract significant long term foreign
investment, it must address the deep and serous concerns for
freedom an democracy in Burma by people like George Soros.

Myint Thein is an economist based in Dallas, Texas. He is
also a senior advisor to the Burmese Resistance
movement.(BP)


STUDENTS PROTEST FM'S VISIT TO RANGOON

Burmese students seeking sanctuary in Thailand protested yes-
terday a visit by Foreign Minister Krasae Chanawong to Burma
to discuss the refugee situation.
The students said that talking with Burma's military junta
along would not end the fighting that pushed thousands of Bur-
mese into Thailand several months ago.
Dr Krasae returned on Saturday from his two-day visit to Bur-
ma, saying Bangkok was satisfied with Rangoon's attempts at
national reconciliation.
Burma launched a major offensive at the start of the year on
the two major ethnic minority groups, and have clamped down on
students and opposition politicians that have refused to sign
ceasefire agreements with the junta to end their fight for
greater freedoms.Student leader Moe Tee Zon said in an inter-
view that discussions with the Burmese government can not end
the border problem because students still oppose the military
junta. (BP&TN)

BURMA A ROGUE ELEPHANT

Now that India has sounded the alarm bell over China's mili-
tary buildup and Burma's collusion in the process, the advo-
cates of "constructive engagement" should reassess their poli-
cies towards Burma in earnest. In consideration, two vital
points must be remembered i.e. that regional stability is of
paramount importance, and that Burma is incapable of constrib-
uting to that effort.
Asean and the world's business community must desist from vie
wing Burma as a golden opportunity since in reality all in
vestments go to junta-patronized interests and thus they do
not help create a genuine middle class. Neither do they have
any trickle-down effect on the majority of the people. Instead
Burma must be seen as a rogue elephant, trampling on its own
people (land appropriations, forced relocation, gangpressed
labour, minority basing, etc) and totally flippant towards her
neighbours, except China. Allowing Chinese naval facilities
access to the Andaman Sea through Burma portends grave danger
not only to India but to some of Asean's stalwarts Malaysia,
Indonesia, Singapore and Thailand.
Contrary to current perception, the vaunted Burma Army's war
against its own people is far from being over as in fact it
can't afford to be ended. The raison d'etre and maintaining a
largely unemployable youth in the army is a self-perpetuating
growth industry that has to have a constant "enemy" to fight.
To lend support and cooperation to this tragi-comic regime
whose one outstanding trait is human rights violation would be
the height of folly tantamount to sleeping with the enemy.
(TN)

RELIGIOUS WARS

In the eyes of the advocates of the so-called "constructive
engagement" policy, Burma is making "progress" and they see
the Burmese people walking with "smiles on their faces" in the
streets in Rangoon as proving their point. But we, the real
Burmese people, only know where the shoe pinches.
The military junta in Rangoon self-righteously claimed that
the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA), mutinied because of
religious discrimination by their Christian leaders and even-
tually overpowered them to let the Burmese troops roam Manerp
law and Kamoora, the headquarters and the last stronghold of
the Karen National Union, at will. And it is also quite inter-
esting to see the yellowrobed months doing the same. We don't
they who belong to religion and religious works stick to their
monasteries? Oh! because they are the executive members and
part time espionage members of the DKBA cum DKBO.
Religious discrimination has been rife in Burma since the days
of U Nu, the first and only elected prime minister after Burma
gained independence from Britain on January 4, 1948. Bitter
and heated debates broadcast live on air sent chills down the
spines of the non-Buddhist population. Burma is to be a Bud-
dhist state? No way.
U Nu went so far as taking Buddhism to the Kachin State, the
nonchalant way. The memorable day on which the train carrying
the them Kachin leader Sama Duwa Sin Wa Nawng and large number
of monks was met and pushed back on its tracks on entering
Myitkyina by the late Chairman of the Kachin Independence Or-
ganization Brang Seng together with a multitude of patriotic
Kachin Christian elders has become a milestone for all. The
truth was brough home so much so that some Buddhist monks even
shouldered arms during the 1988 uprising for democracy in Bur-
ma.
Yet the cunning military junta in Rangoon has been able to
silence the monks in Burma. The latest tactics employed is to
pit different religions against one another, especially Bud-
dhist against Christian. In certain areas Christian churches
were torn down to make way for the construction of monasteries
and pagodas. And to add to the insult, the so-called volunteer
labour for these constructions was forced on the Christians
even on Sundays. While the building of a new church is next to
impossible, Buddhist summons and programmes are televised dai-
ly from the only state TV station. So no one can deny that the
State Law and Order Restoration Council, the Slorc, is paving
the way for Buddhism to become the state religion. Thus the
Slorc has been able to appease and please the monks who had
risen against them.
This is just the tip of the iceberg. How can "constructive
engagement" believers help to bring progress? (TN)


KHRG: WHITHER DKBA?: THE SLORC'S NORTHERN KAREN OFFENSIVE
PART 3 of 4

by The Karen Human Rights Group

[This is the third of four installments of what is the most
comprehensive history of the recent SLORC offensive written to
date.]


The Thai Response

Many people are shocked that Thailand has not sent significantly
more troops to protect its border against incursions.  However,
there are several reasons for this.  One of them is the disdain
the SLORC has always shown for Thai forces and Thai sovereignty,
often trying to "order" Thais to withdraw from their own frontier
when it suits SLORC's purposes, then shelling around their
positions if they fail to obey (most recently on February 20th at
Kawmoora).  Furthermore, SLORC has never hesitated to invade and
occupy Thai territory and burn Thai villages whenever it suits
their purpose.  As a result, the Thais do not want to get into a
fight that could provoke SLORC into a border war.  SLORC's Army
is 5 to 6 times the size of Thailand's, and although poorly
equipped it is battle-hardened. 
Another key factor is Thai economic interests and the
"constructive engagement" policy.  Thai political and army leaders
in Bangkok have significant business interests in Burma and do not
want to risk these, even in the interest of Thai pride and
sovereignty.  They do not particularly care if refugees or Thai
soldiers and villagers are killed, as long as they can keep the
facts quiet, deny any problems along the border and maintain their
close business relationships with SLORC.  However, the Thai
soldiers and villagers who have to look across the border at the
Burmese feel very differently.  Not only do they know much better
than officials in Bangkok what is going on, but dealing firsthand
with Karen refugees has made many of them very sympathetic to the
refugees' plight.  Many of the border officials and military
officers also have longstanding personal and business
relationships with KNU and refugee leaders.  As a result, there
is a great difference between what is said in Bangkok and what is
done at the border.  This has always been the case, and it cannot
be overemphasized.  It is not unusual to see local Thai Army
commanders condemning SLORC for attacking refugee camps, promising
increased security for refugees and stating that the situation is
not yet right for repatriation, while at the same time the Bangkok
newspapers report, "Wimol Wongwanich, the Thai Army
Commander-in-Chief, said last week that the Burmese Army should
crush all KNU forces so that the Thai border populace can live in
peace.  He added that all refugees should return to Burma to help
reconstruct the country and lift the burden that Thailand has been
facing in putting up with them." [The Nation, 3/3/95]  However,
in the current situation even the Thai Foreign Ministry has
submitted several formal protests to SLORC recently regarding
border incursions.  Generally, though, the Bangkok line continues
to be one of support for SLORC and hope that things quieten down
quickly so business can continue, while Thai forces at the border
have been genuinely sympathetic to the problems being faced by the
refugees.  Whether this will last is another question.  For
example, when SLORC overran Three Pagodas Pass in 1989 the local
Thai forces were very sympathetic to the Mon and Karen refugees
there and didn't trust the SLORC; but now that solid business
relationships have been established and alot of money is being
made, those same forces are among the worst abusers of refugees.

When SLORC first captured Manerplaw, the Thai Army was quick to
send in troops to watch its border, though their numbers were
nowhere near sufficient to repel a serious incursion and many
refugees felt they would balk if confronted with any SLORC troops. 
When incursions in the refugee camps began, the Thais were
extremely slow to provide any security, finally sending in a few
men only 
when it appeared that entire camps might panic and scatter if no
security was provided.  At the beginning of March, Thai leaders
in Bangkok were assuring foreign governments and the media that
heavy security had already been dispatched to the camps when in
fact none had been sent.  Task Force 35 in Mae Sariang claimed
that 6 Battalions had been dispatched to protect refugee camps,
but they were not to be seen anywhere near refugee camps.  Finally
on March 5, small pockets of troops began appearing in various key
camps, though their numbers were clearly insufficient and they
were often posted in inappropriate places - such as at Beh Klaw
camp, where they were posted along the main road 500 m. from the
front of the camp, while all armed intrusions had come in through
the back of the camp, along the footpath directly from Maw Pa Thu. 
As attacks have continued to worsen, the number of Thai troops has
increased, and in many camps they are now patrolling the camp and
the surrounding hills by night, providing a limited amount of
effective security.  They are also cooperating with camp security
teams in many camps.  As a result, it is now much more risky for
armed SLORC / DKBA units to penetrate the camps, but it is still
not particularly difficult for them to do so. 
SLORC / DKBA Relations

The SLORC claims that it was the KNU which deliberately caused a
"rift between Karen Buddhists and Christians", that it was the
DKBA alone which captured Manerplaw and Kawmoora, and that SLORC
has no control over the DKBA beyond giving it "logistical
support".  All evidence points to the contrary: that SLORC worked
to incite a "rift", then provided all the material needs so that
the DKBO could be formed before it was even formed.  SLORC then
provided the badge, the uniforms, the food, the ammunition, and
may have even written the DKBO's initial political statements
(which are all written in Burmese, and some of them produced on
computers; Statement 2/94 even stated that one of the DKBO's 3
objectives was "to prevent the disintegration of the Union", a
common SLORC phrase which is not an objective of most Karen). 
Even the word "Kayin" in the DKBO's name is the name given to
Karen by the Burmese, and is resented by many Karen.  After using
small numbers of DKBA men in its offensives against Manerplaw and
Kawmoora, SLORC erected DKBA and SLORC flags in the captured
bases, but it is SLORC who is clearly in command there.  Along the
Salween River north of Mae Sam Lap, an interesting letter dated
Feb. 9th was sent across the river to dissident Burmese students
who have been displaced into Thailand; headed "To the young
students who have gone the wrong way and are in trouble", excerpts
of the letter read as follows: "The writer of this letter is Major
Zaw Htat from the Burma Army.  I your brother was a Chemistry
student and got a Major at MASU University [Mandalay].  So because
I am an ex-student, I have sympathy towards you and wrote this
letter. ... Now the Burma Army has taken Manerplaw and KNU posts
along the Salween River, and DKBO is with us.  If you have doubt
in DKBO, contact your brother [me] first, and we invite you to
come and live peacefully in your motherland.  To get this
opportunity is very difficult, so don't lose this opportunity to
return to the Burma Army and reunite with the rest of your family. 
We invite you with love.  I can guarantee that nothing bad will
be done to you. ... I guarantee that DKBO won't do anything to
you.  Your brothers are in control and you don't have to worry.
 ...".  In every major border incursion other than simple
robberies, witnesses have reported the presence of SLORC soldiers
along with the DKBA, probably to ensure that "control" is
maintained.

The DKBA is now essentially operating as a SLORC militia.  The
logic of the DKBA in supporting these SLORC actions is impossible
to completely understand, especially as most of the rank and file
of the DKBA have lost family members and possibly home villages 
to SLORC.  However, in December one DKBA teenage soldier answered
a foreigner's question with words to the effect of, "First we've
got to get the KNU, and then we'll get SLORC."  This is supported
by the testimony of "Saw Kaw Mu Heh" in this report: "A monk named
Pa Ni Sa said he will disarm all KNU soldiers and disband the KNU
organization, then after that he will go against SLORC and take
all their weapons too."  Of course, this is an absurd belief, but
many DKBA members seem to believe it, or at least that if they
work with SLORC then SLORC will leave Karen State alone.  There
are some refugees who have had contact with U Thuzana in former
times who believe that Thuzana is being held incommunicado by
SLORC and does not agree with what is being done.  While his
picture has appeared daily in The New Light of Myanmar newspaper,
he has been conspicuously absent from SLORC television and radio. 
There are signs that there are cracks in the relationship between
DKBO and SLORC, especially as revealed in the testimony of "Saw
Htoo Thaw" that there have been regular shootouts between DKBA and
SLORC troops in the Myaing Gyi Ngu area.  However, it is probably
more likely that rank and file soldiers will run away from DKBA
than that the SLORC alliance with the DKBO leadership will break
down.

===============================================================

Chronology of Recorded Events

Date      Event

20/1      Final offensive on Manerplaw begins from Min Yaw Kee
ridge 26/1          DKBA attacks and loots Mae Paw Muh Hta
refugee camp, refugees flee but return
27/1      SLORC overruns Manerplaw
28/1-present   SLORC border incursions near Manerplaw for looting
4/2       Mae Paw Muh Hta refugee camp shelled and machine-gunned
from Burma, refugees flee to Meh Po Kee
4/2       Shop in Pu Mya Lu village, Thailand, looted by SLORC who
crossed Salween, Karen villagers flee to refugee camp
8/2       SLORC and DKBA cross Salween border, loot U Taw Hta
village 9/2         SLORC / DKBA steal boats on Salween River
including Thai Army's boat
9/2       DKBA fires RPG grenade at ABSDF boat on Salween River,
5 killed including civilians
9/2       Mahn Yin Sein & 4 others kidnapped from Beh Klaw refugee
camp by DKBA at gunpoint
10/2      SLORC & DKBA cross border at Ka Htee Hta, take 15
refugee families back to Burma
10/2-12/2 SLORC loots Ka Htee Hta, forces porters and refugees to
carry rice, 500 sacks of rice and all livestock stolen
12/2      DKBA goes 5 km. into Thailand, takes 5 Ka Htee Hta
families back at gunpoint, threatens that SLORC will shell camp;
refugees flee further into Thailand
12/2      SLORC kills 2 Ka Htee Hta refugees repatriated on 10/2,
reason unknown
15/2      SLORC kills 3 Ka Htee Hta refugees repatriated on 12/2,
reason unknown
18/2      SLORC threatens to attack Ka Htee Hta refugees at Meh
Paw Kloh; refugees flee further into Thailand
21/2      SLORC overruns Kawmoora after gas attack
21/2      DKBA reportedly returns 18-year-old Karen refugee to
Thailand for treatment after she had been raped by 20 SLORC
soldiers (not confirmed)
22/2-4/3  SLORC soldiers wandering Huay Kalok camp every day in
civilian clothes
23/2      DKBA shoots truck moving refugees near Huay Heng,
Thailand - 3 killed, 11 wounded
28/2      1 house in Beh Klaw burned to the ground, no one hurt 
28/2      30 SLORC & DKBA soldiers enter Baw Noh, abduct San Htun
Kai, shoot & seriously wound two Thai Karen traders
28/2      Letters left at Baw Noh threatening to burn whole camp
on March 5, and death threat against Mahn Yin Sein's son-in-law
who escaped Feb. 9th kidnapping at Beh Klaw
2/3       DKBA & SLORC beat and abduct Pu Kyaw Li, 68, from Ber
Lu Ko camp, threaten to burn down Ber Lu Ko if refugees don't
return to Burma by March 5
2/3       DKBA robs Thai shop near Baw Noh and Baw Noh monastery,
leave letter imposing curfew on the river and threatening to burn
down camp if they're shot at in Thailand
2/3       DKBA comes to get relatives in Beh Klaw, relatives
refuse to go and DKBA flees
2/3       DKBA robs house of Thai in Meh Tha Waw village, steals
20,000 Baht
5/3       Small groups of Thai forces begin arriving in refugee
camps, March 5 deadline passes without major incident
7/3       Thai truck shot up on main road north of Meh Tha Waw,
2 Thais hospitalized, locals say it was DKBA or SLORC but
unconfirmed 9/3          DKBA attacks refugee house outside Gray
Hta camp, loots money & jewellery, shoots and kills refugee father
and son
10/3      Ka Htee Hta camp leader Saw Ghay Ploh, camp security
leader Aung Lay and their families abducted by DKBA / SLORC
11/3      54 Ka Htee Hta refugee families return to Burma 14/3
DKBA/SLORC cross Salween north of Mae Sam Lap, shoot and kill Thai
Army Ranger and seriously wound another; Thai forces given further
green light to shoot any SLORC or DKBA forces who cross the border
with arms
15/3      20 SLORC & DKBA attack Baw Noh, kill 2 refugees, wound
3 more, fire M79 at camp leader's house, shoot up pastor's house. 
1 DKBA killed in shootout, 2-3 DKBA and SLORC wounded but escape
15/3-18/3 Panic in Baw Noh, all but 2,000 refugees flee to other
camps & into the hills
16/3-present   Thai security beefed up in most camps
20/3      DKBA with guns and grenades rob house in Gray Hta camp
of 7,000 Baht
28/3      New DKBA deadline for burning Baw Noh camp

========= PART 3

II.  INTERVIEWS

Names which have been changed to protect people are enclosed in
quotation marks.  All other names are real.  Some details such as
village names have been omitted to protect people.

========= SLORC & DKBA in the villages

NAME:     "Saw Kwa Lah"       SEX: M    AGE: 62   Karen Christian
farmer FAMILY: Married, 2 children aged 24 and 30
ADDRESS:  Bwa Der village, Bu Tho township, Papun District 
"Saw Kwa Lah"'s village was in a KNU-controlled area which has now
been taken by SLORC.  He is now a refugee in Thailand. 
I lived in Bwa Der for 17 years.  I first came there because of
the activities of the Burmese.  Now I've come here because the
Yellow Headbands [DKBA] shot and killed a man.  They couldn't
stand the sight of the Baptists.  There were 30 or 40 Christian
families in Bwa Der.  We had to evacuate in 1992 because SLORC
came and fought, but in 1993 we could go back.  In 1993 people had
built a new pagoda at Lay Kay Ko.  When they dedicated it many
people went.  It was the same month that they wanted to build a
pagoda somewhere around Meh Leh Kee and Walter forbade them [at
that time, some villagers and monks from inside Burma insisted on
building pagodas at some key KNLA ridgetop positions.  KNLA Maj.
Walter wouldn't allow it because the pagodas would be used by
SLORC soldiers atop Sleeping Dog Mountain to sight their mortars
on the KNLA positions.  Many people believe the instigation to
build these pagodas originally came from SLORC.  After permission
was refused, SLORC pointed to the incident as religious
persecution, and spread news in the villages that Walter had
"killed monks and destroyed pagodas".]  At the dedication, monks
said to the Buddhists and Animists, "The war has been going on for
many years.  Do you want to carry brick and sand for a pagoda, or
do you want to keep carrying the revolution's load of ammunition
and go to war?  If you carry the pagoda's load there will be
peace.  If you carry the revolution's load, war will go on."  So
in 1993 they stopped helping the revolution because of what the
monk told them.  Then in 1994 the KNU tried to explain and
organize them, but they refused to listen.  People said the war
was caused by the Christians.  In the end it entangled the
Baptists, and we were all unhappy.

People went around organizing in each village, and villagers went
and stayed at the pagoda.  If they  went and stayed at the pagoda
they didn't have to do anything, no work.  Whole families from
different villages went and stayed near the pagoda, at Da Ko Law
Kloh.  The pagoda has a monastery.  There are 40 monks.  The monks
said that if the young people put on the yellow robe and become
novices, they won't have to join the KNU army or be soldiers.  So
the young people and even some of the soldiers became monks. 
The village headman and the village Buddhist leader said the
Christians must go also.  They said if we didn't go, we'd be
killed or harmed.  They went round  and threatened the people, so
Christians as well as non-Christians got scared and went.  If they
don't go and they don't become vegetarians, they'll be killed. 
That's what the leaders said:  "Someone will kill you."  They
frightened the villagers, so people didn't know what to do.  They
are just mountain people, Christian and non-Christian, so some of
them  moved.  I stayed in the village.

This monk [apparently U Thuzana, now DKBO chairman] wanted
everyone in our area to be vegetarians.  They started forcing
people to be vegetarians, so the other monks didn't agree with
them.  They 
kept trying to organize all the villagers in the mountains.  They
started becoming more and more violent.  They threatened us all:
"It won't be easy for you if you don't go.  We'll cut your throat,
we'll mash you like chillies".  The people are hill people, so
they don't understand anything.  This started in September or
October 1994, then it got bad in November.  It got worse and
worse.  They said, "Christianity is white man's religion.  We must
drive them away.  White man's religion is not good."

The big trouble exploded in December.  They organized people by
force.  They threatened people, so people followed them without
knowing anything.  They confiscated KNU soldiers' weapons.  Alot
of people came through and were going to Thu Mwe Hta and Myaing
Gyi Ngu [the 2 DKBA bases at the time], hundreds of people.  They
had no understanding, they were just told to go so they went. 
Later they started killing people.  At first they were threatening
the Christians with words, not guns, then in December they
confiscated KNU guns, and their villagers [converts] took up arms
and went to villages.  Everyone was scared.  They shot people, so
we didn't know what to think.  Would they harm  us?  We were
nervous.  When monks start to carry guns - what can we do?  In my
village one man was killed, but they also killed others at Thu Mwe
Hta.  After they killed Bo Kyaw Aye and Ner Ghaw [captured Karen
soldiers] at Thu Mwe Hta, they became very rough.  The man in my
village was a soldier in civilian clothes, just staying in the
village.  He was a Christian.  First they confiscated the guns in
the village - some villagers had shotguns that they had bought
[for hunting].  Then they went to the upper village, called Maw
Leh Meh Hta.  The village man was standing and chatting close to
his house after breakfast, and they recognized him so they shot
him.  He was Pah Day's son, his name was Saw Lweh Mu.  He was 18
years old.  I heard they also killed one man in Meh Ku Hta and one
in Meh Nyo Hta, on the other side of the mountain.  They also
threatened the people there and shot at their houses, so they were
afraid and they couldn't stay.

They stole things from the shops whose owners were Christians, and
didn't pay for them.  They stayed near the village.  Then later
when we evacuated a short distance away, they came into the
village, took away our things and ate up everything.  They
rummaged around and tore up our books and Bibles.  The pictures
of Christ they poked through the eyes.  They also threatened the
Animists with guns.  Some followed them, but some didn't
understand so they just stayed in the village.  They forced them
to follow and said, "If you don't follow, we will kill you."  They
shot their guns.  Every day the situation got worse, and people
began to flee.  The Christians ran away.  I left in the first week
of January, because I heard the Burmese were coming.  I heard the
SLORC were in Paw Hta, quite nearby.  I fled to Mae Paw Muh Hta
[refugee camp on the Thai side of the Salween river].  I brought
my family, because I'm worried for them.  We managed to bring
cooking pots, rice and blankets.  Each person of the family
carried whatever they could.  Many things were left behind.

Then on January 26th we had to leave Mae Paw Muh Hta because the
DKBA came into the camp and started to shoot, to torture and force
the people to go back with them as they pleased.  They shot with
their guns, even though our refugee camp is on the Thai side. 
They came and took bags of rice and threatened people with their
guns, so the people ran in all directions and they could take the
rice.  They fired their guns in the air.  When people went back
to get their rice, they shot at them.  Then we came step by step
to Tee Law Thi Kloh, and we lost contact with the news. 
Every man who joins to follow DKBA gets a gun, all the men who are
strong.  I heard they give 600 Kyats a month.  People who 
join DKBA but don't want to carry a gun have to sign a paper
promising that they will not do anything against DKBA, and they
have to carry this paper with them all the time.  Some people
joined them, soldiers and villagers, and then didn't agree with
their rules and wanted to get out.  But they're afraid of them and
their rules, so they are in despair.  DKBA promised that families
who follow them will receive rice and other help from SLORC.  Many
people who followed them had to go to Papun, and they were given
rice there at the SLORC military camp.  They receive it for free. 
It is the camp of Battalions 19 and 35.  DKBA gets guns and
uniforms from SLORC.  I hear they have a yellow, white and blue
badge on one shoulder, and a SLORC badge on the other.  When they
were in my village they didn't have uniforms yet.  Some wore
yellow headbands around their head, and others tied them around
their guns.  I saw their monks carrying guns in the village.  They
carried AK's, M16's, the guns that the soldiers confiscated.
=================================================================

NAME:     "Saw Kaw Mu Heh"         SEX: M    AGE: 26   Karen
Christian farmer FAMILY: Married, 1 child aged 4 months
ADDRESS:  Meh Bpa village, Bu Tho township, Papun District 
"Saw Kaw Mu Heh"'s village was in a KNU-controlled area which has
now been taken by SLORC.  He is now a refugee in Thailand. 
That group that joined with SLORC [the DKBA], they came into our
village.  They distributed leaflets to the villagers.  The
leaflets said the Christians oppress the Buddhists, so the young
Buddhists are revolting against the Christians.  A monk named Pa
Ni Sa said he will disarm all KNU soldiers and disband the KNU
organization, then after that he will go against SLORC and take
all their weapons too.  They said the leaders from Headquarters
[Manerplaw] killed many hundreds of Buddhists, so in our village
they were going to kill all the Christians.  They said that the
people in our village should only be Buddhists.  Kyaw Kaw said
that.  He used to be a villager.  He said the leaders from
Manerplaw had killed 10 monks.  Kyaw Kaw and other people who were
vegetarians said people who eat meat have to stop eating meat or
else they'll be killed.  This happened when the fighting started
[in Dec. 1994, when the DKBA started fighting the KNU].  Kyaw Kaw
passed through the village, going house to house to tell these
things to all the Buddhists.  To the Christians he didn't tell
anything, but when he found us he quarrelled and abused us.  There
are only 2 or 3 Christian families in our village.  We have a
[Buddhist] monastery there, but we didn't have any monks.  After
Kyaw Kaw threatened us, some of the Buddhists threatened us.  Not
only with words - they also stole our things, like clothing  and
boxes.  They came when we were at home.  When the villagers came
to take my things, they pointed their guns at me.  Some were
soldiers, and some were villagers who joined DKBA.  They wore
Burmese soldiers' uniforms and Burmese soldiers' boots, and their
insignia was also Burmese.  They had Burmese insignia on one arm
and DKBA insignia on the other arm.  They had AK [AK47], AR [a
shortened version of an M16], and RPG's [shoulder-launched
rocket-propelled grenades].  About 20 of them  came to my house,
in the daytime.  It was near the end of last month, the 27th or
28th of January, just after Manerplaw fell.  I arrived at Pu Mya
Lu [on the Thai side of the Salween] on the 30th.  One Christian
family became Buddhist, and they didn't do anything to them.  The
other Christians escaped.  Pu Law Eh's family came with me.  In
other villages like Paw Mu Der, I know for sure that some
Christian families there had to become Buddhists too.

They made problems for Buddhists too, those who eat meat.  They
killed my elder brother.  He was Animist.  He was killed after we
fled our village.  My brother became a monk, but they threatened 
him because he didn't become a vegetarian.  The man who saw it
said he was shot dead.  His name was Saw Ghay Say.  He was over
30.  He was not my real brother, he was my wife's brother.  The
Buddhist families who didn't join DKBA fled to Law Say Naw.  There
were about 20 families.  They were planning to run further to Taw
Tee Kwee, but I heard they were driven away by DKBA [possibly
forcibly relocated to Myaing Gyi Ngu area].  I don't know what
happened to them.

Almost half the villagers became vegetarians.  All the men took
guns to fight.  They disarmed the KNU soldiers who didn't join the
DKBA - that's how they got the guns.  I didn't see any Burmese
soldiers in the village when it all started, but other people said
they did.  Fighting started behind the village, Karen soldiers
against DKBA.  All the ones who joined DKBA went to the fighting. 
I was afraid, so I ran into the forest.  I stayed for several days
in Way Baw, then I went to Mae Let Hta.  My wife was staying in
Meh Bpa, then I went back to get her.  In Mae Let Hta they tried
to catch me and I ran away.  They shot at me.  I ran with 4
friends.  None of us was hit.  We went to Ma Mu, then to Wah Der,
and then I crossed into Thailand.  In Wah Der there was also
fighting, so I couldn't stay there and I crossed over at Mae Paw
Muh Hta.  We had to sneak across because the SLORC had already
occupied part of Meh Paw Muh Hta [Meh Paw Muh Hta village on Burma
side of the river, not the refugee camp opposite on Thai side]. 
Then we went to Meh Po [the Mae Paw Muh Hta refugees moved to Meh
Po].

When the truck was shot [en route to Huay Heng] we were leaving
Meh Po.  We were in the 4th truck, coming along behind the truck
that was shot.  I didn't see anything, I only heard the shooting. 
When we arrived there I saw the dead bodies.  They were in the
truck, and the driver was dead on the steering wheel.  I saw a
child on his mother in the back.  The other people from the truck
were gone already.  We went back and we didn't hear any more
shooting. 
My first cousin is Buddhist.  His name is Taw Kho and he is 20
years old.  He joined DKBA.  He witnessed the deaths of his 3
companions who joined DKBO.  SLORC accused the 3 men and created
misunderstandings, then all 3 were killed by their own group. 
They were shot dead.  Taw Kho had to shoot one of them himself. 
Then one time when they met with SLORC, he was accused of having
Christian relatives and they threatened to kill him, so he fled. 
Taw Kho was just a villager, not a soldier.

The DKBA men get a salary from SLORC.  They give 1,000 Kyats per
month to single men [note: this is 250 Kyats more than SLORC
privates receive], and for married men they give 300 Kyats but
also arrange everything for their families.  But the villagers
receive nothing.  My wife's younger brother had  to go as a porter
for DKBA, and they didn't give him any money for that.  He had to
carry a very heavy load, and he didn't  get enough food.  He had
to find food in the forest.  He was a porter for 10 days.  He is
Buddhist.

======== Life at Myaing Gyi Ngu

NAME:     "Saw Htoo Thaw"          SEX: M    AGE: 33   Karen
Christian FAMILY:   Married, 3 children aged 2-7
ADDRESS:  Hlaing Bwe Township, Pa'an District

"Saw Htoo Thaw" was a refugee in Thailand who returned to Burma
in January and was sent to Myaing Gyi Ngu.  He escaped and
returned to Thailand after 1+ months there, and now lives in
hiding in Thailand for fear of DKBA reprisals.

I came to stay in Thailand because of the civil war, maybe 12 
years ago.  My older brother was living there too.  He went back
to Burma first, then he came back and called me to go with him. 
He told me that the situation in Burma is good now, so I followed
him.  But when I arrived there, it was not good like he had told
me so I was afraid to stay there and I came back about 15 days ago
[March 10].  This time my brother could not come back. 
I was not afraid in the refugee camp in Thailand, but my brother
told me it was okay back in Burma so I went.  First, I crossed at
Meh Tha Waw [the SLORC position across the Moei river where
refugees have been told to return to].  At Meh Tha Waw, all the
soldiers who checked us were Burmese, except for 3 Karen DKBA. 
The Burmese soldiers looked and searched in our bags.  They took
everything, and they asked questions.  They asked, "Are you a good
person or a bad one?  Did you come here to be good or to be bad? 
Did you come here to demonstrate?" Oh, many many questions.  Along
the way, each time we reached a place they asked questions, again
and again.  When we reached Pa'an there was a checkpoint, and when
we reached the monk's place they also asked us questions.  They
took all our belongings and our blankets.  We were left with only
the clothes on our bodies.  They wouldn't let us take so much as
a sewing needle with us to the monk's place.

At Meh Tha Waw there were more than 200 of us.  Four trucks, and
more than 50 in each truck.  I was with my wife and children.  We
had to go on the trucks, for free.  The trucks went directly to
Pa'an, to the city.  We were hoping to live around there and farm,
but our plan was not successful.  They didn't help us with
anything.  We only stayed in Pa'an for one night and then the
Burmese sent all of us to Khaw Taw [Myaing Gyi Ngu] by boat [up
the Salween River].  At Khaw Taw I saw many things.  I can't
remember or tell it all.  I saw a lot of soldiers, SLORC and DKBA
mixed together.  There were only bamboo and car roads, and bamboo
and car roads, and they marked a plot for each house.  The Burmese
soldiers said "It will be like a town".  Each plot was about 40
plah [60 feet] across.  Some people who arrived there before us
had already built houses, but not so many.  Some of them came from
Thu Mwe Hta [the Salween/Moei river junction].  The people from
Thu Mwe Hta and Naw Hta [near SLORC's southern front against
Manerplaw] arrived first.  There were about 200 or 300 houses. 
When we arrived we had to find a place by ourselves.  People have
to find a place for themselves, and then some quarrel with each
other because they don't have enough space and they start
threatening each other with knives.  You have to stay in your
place for some time until the Burmese come and measure it.  Only
after that are you allowed to start building a house.  We had to
live in the bushes.  The Burmese only gave building materials to
the families of DKBA soldiers.  The DKBA soldiers' families had
a chance to build a house, but not the other people.  We had to
build houses for the soldiers first.  We cut bamboos one by one
for our house, then after we had cut them the soldiers came and
took them, and made us build the soldiers' houses first.  We
weren't allowed to build our own houses.  There are many more
soldiers' families than families like ours.  People like us, if
we have two daughters then one of them has to go help the
soldiers, and if we have two sons one of them has to go as well. 
Because my children are too young, I had to go myself.  Only when
all the soldiers' houses are finished you can build your own
house. 
There was only one stream and we were all using it.  People were
bathing and washing clothes in it so when we drank it, it tasted
of detergent and soap.  So we dug a well.  To get food we had to
walk a very long way to the monastery.  The Burmese gave it.  It
was only rice, salt and sesame paste.  One person from each family
has to go and get the food for the family.  Each family gets 3 big
tins of rice for one month [this is only enough rice 
to feed 3 people].  It was not enough.  They only gave it to us
once [because he was only there 1+ months].  One day the rice
arrived and the next day it was all gone, because many new people
had arrived.

Each day they took 30 people from each section to go with the
Burmese and be porters for 2 weeks.  They didn't give anything to
the porters.  It was "voluntary work".  If people don't go they'll
be beaten.  They're not afraid to kill us.  They killed many of
us.  I didn't have to go because my child was sick, but otherwise
I would have had to go.  Instead I had to help in the camp.  I had
to carry weapons and rice.  The rice and the weapons came by boat
along the Salween River, and we had to carry them to the
monastery.  We were ordered by the monk, but in the monastery
there are also Burmese soldiers.  The soldiers are also under the
monk's command.  [Note: there has been speculation among the KNU
that some of the "monks" may be SLORC officers.]

They took the other porters to 3rd Brigade [Nyaunglebin District,
far to the north], Kloh Wah and Wan Kha [Kawmoora].  The porters
had to carry weapons.  Not rice, because whenever the soldiers
arrived anywhere they took their rice from that place [porters had
to carry rice at the frontline, but not when they left Khaw Taw]. 
The people were gone for 15 days as porters.  Sometimes the
soldiers killed them secretly.  When I was coming back to
Thailand, I saw 2 dead people along the way.  I saw that they had
killed these two people, but the soldiers had told us they got
sick and died.  They didn't take women as porters, but the women
have to build pagodas at Khaw Taw.  They have to carry sand and
rocks.

Each family also has to give one person to be a soldier, man or
woman.  They forced us.  They said I had to become a soldier. 
They even registered my name in the book to become a soldier. 
When I saw that, I was afraid to be a soldier so I fled at night
and came back here.  When people become soldiers they have to sign
a paper, and make a vow with medicine.  The monk gives them some
medicine to drink, to all the soldiers.  A man like me with a
family receives 1,000 Kyats a month as a soldier.  The boys and
girls who go as soldiers get 500 Kyats a month.  They must be 15
years old.  The girls get training together with the boys.  I know
that before I came back, they sent some to Meh Bpa [near
Manerplaw].  Men and women, mixed together.  The women have to
cook for them at the frontline.  They also sent many women to Wan
Kha [Kawmoora] to cook.  If they are forced to go, they have to
go.  If they are forced to cook, they have to cook.

It looks like a refugee camp.  There is no school or hospital yet,
but they plan to build them.  There are people there from
everywhere.  There are Karen, Burmese and Muslims there.  There
are people from Pa'an and Rangoon who are living there as traders. 
Most of the Karen villagers there are Buddhists, but there are
also Christians.  All the Christians who came there converted to
Buddhism except my family.  All are the same, it is not dangerous
to be Christian there.  They forced everyone to be vegetarians. 
Some people ate meat secretly, but most of them obeyed.  When they
caught people eating meat they put them in a place like a jail,
near the monastery.  They bound them in the stocks
[mediaeval-style leg stocks].  I saw it myself.  They kept them
like that for one or two weeks.  People who drink alot got 1 or
2 warnings, then if they don't obey they get the same treatment.

They don't allow anyone to farm or do anything like that.  We
didn't farm, but we had to help the monks in the monastery.  The
monk always stays in the monastery.  Only once, he came out of the
monastery for a walk.  He had 3 bodyguards in front of him, 
3 behind him and 3 on either side, altogether 12 bodyguards.  The
bodyguards are soldiers.  The monk had 2 pistols and a
walkie-talkie.  There are many, many monks in the monastery but
we can't go and see them because there are 3 rows of guards around
it.  I only saw the leader of the monks.  There are alot of
soldiers in Khaw Taw, Burmese and Karen all mixed together.  One
house for one soldier. The Burmese soldiers sleep nearby but not
in Khaw Taw itself.  They organize training for the Karen
soldiers.  In Khaw Taw the monk gives military training, with
guns.  I don't know his name.

They always told bad stories about our home areas.  They told them
in Burmese.  I don't know what they said, because I didn't care. 
In the camp, I know there will be a mass uprising between DKBA and
SLORC.  While I was there, I saw DKBA soldiers fighting among
themselves once or twice.  DKBA made false accusations against
each other.  DKBA fought SLORC three times.  They shot at each
other right in Khaw Taw.  Lots of them were wounded, and many
died.

I was unhappy living there, and I was afraid to live there.  We
left at night time, hiding then going, hiding then going further. 
I went with my family first, then another family followed us after
we left Khaw Taw.  If they captured us they would kill us right
away, so we were hiding and then moving.  I gave money to a person
who can speak Burmese very well, and 2 of them guided us.  I gave
them 6,000 Kyats.  When we reached a checkpoint, the soldiers
asked us "Where are you going?"  We said, "We're going to visit
another place".  The guide could take one of us through the
checkpoint at a time.  It took us 3 days on foot.  We arrived at
the bank of the Moei River.  We are happy to be back in Thailand
but we are afraid because the spies are looking for us.  I am
afraid to go into a refugee camp.  The 2 guides are still here. 
They are afraid to go back, because after they came here the
Burmese followed to look for them.

======= Meh Sa Ger refugees

NAME:     "Pa Ngeh"      SEX: M    AGE: 42   Karen Buddhist
farmer FAMILY: Married, 4 children aged 10, 5, 3, and 10 months
ADDRESS:  Klaw Hta village, Papun District

"Pa Ngeh"'s village was in a KNU-controlled area which has now
been taken by SLORC.  He is now a refugee in Thailand.

I brought my children here because of the Burmese troops.  The
Burmese troops captured me in February.  I am just a villager,
people in my village are mostly swidden farmers.  The Burmese
troops had to pass through our village on their way to Oo Po Hta. 
They took villagers with them on the way, then they took a
different way back and they let the villagers go at 2 p.m.  I went
to look for a friend who had run away.  On my way back after 2 or
3 days, the Burmese caught me on the way.  They took off my shirt
and found that I was wearing a military-colour T-shirt underneath. 
They asked, "Are you a soldier?"  I said, "I'm not a soldier." 
They said, "How can you not be a soldier, when you are wearing
military clothes?  All of us are soldiers and we wear military
clothes.  If you are not a soldier, then you are an officer or
NCO."  After they asked 2 or 3 questions, I answered without
thinking and a soldier started kicking me.  Then another soldier
kicked me, and another came up and punched me 2 or 3 times.  All
the soldiers came up and beat me as much as they pleased.  Another
one tied me up because they were worried that I would escape. 
Then another one came and touched me with a bayonet.  He said,
"Don't move.  You see this bayonet."  I thought they would shoot
me, but they didn't.  They asked me many questions.  Then they
said, "Stand up and move."  I went together with them.  When we
arrived outside my village, one of them said, "Tell me all the
secrets about your village."  I said, "I don't know any secrets". 
Then they told me to close my eyes.  They kicked me on my chin and
I fell unconscious.  For a moment I didn't know anything.  After
that, my arms and legs felt very weak.  The soldiers told me, "Put
on your sandals and we'll go back to the village."  When we got
there, they destroyed everything in the village.  They came to
catch porters.  They burned things and killed all the animals. 
After that they left and went on their way.

I was bleeding because they kicked me on the chin, and my head was
also bleeding. The Burmese soldiers hit me like this, like that, like
this and like that. They were all SLORC soldiers. There were 31
soldiers who caught and beat me, but there were about 400 other
soldiers with them - I'm not sure exactly how many. The commander saw
his soldiers beating me and told them, "Don't beat him like that."
If the commander didn't say that, I would have died for sure.  Bo Kyi
Aung is their commander, he let me go. Bo Kyi Aung was a Karen
soldier, but not long ago he gave his weapon to SLORC and became a
SLORC commander. When he did that twenty of his soldiers followed
him. Now he has 400 SLORC soldiers under him [SLORC soldiers and
about 20 Karen defectors; it seems unlikely that SLORC would give
such a command to a recent defector, so it may be in appearance only
- so that SLORC can claim the entire battalion is 'DKBA'].  Bo Kyi
Aung and his 20 friends wear soldiers' uniforms but a little
different from SLORC soldiers.  They went to the monks and got their
yellow badges from them.  On his other arm he wears the number "33"
[for SLORC #33 Light Infantry Division].  He and his friends wear
yellow headband-scarfs.  All of Bo Kyi Aung's second lieutenants try
to organize the villagers to follow them.  In the village, they don't
hurt the villagers but they take their rice and other things. If they
find KNU soldiers, they take their guns if they won't follow him.
None of the villagers I know follow them. Instead they've all fled
the village. If they capture Buddhists they  let them go.  If they
capture Christians, they kill them. The Christians all ran away when
they heard he was coming. Bo Kyi Aung hates Christians very much, but
I don't know why. In the village, Bo Kyi Aung said that Karen women
are all like rats, and that when the cats are at home, the rats can't
stay at home.  Some of the Buddhist families joined them, but some
didn't join because they are afraid of the Burmese Army.  Most people
say that the power is in SLORC's hands and they are leading the DKBA
on a rope.  Even the families who joined DKBA did it because they are
afraid of SLORC. They organize villagers to join with gentle
speeches, but if the villagers don't want to join then they order
them to join. If the people don't join them, they threaten to burn
their houses and take their things. So the families who don't join
them have to run away. Now there are troubles between the Christians
and Buddhists because of the Burmese. They are spreading rumours and
gossip to turn the people against each other.  They put up notices on
the trees, on the roadsides, at forks in the road and where people
stop to take a rest - written orders from SLORC.  They say, "If you
see us, don't flee from us.  Just stay at home."  They say things
against the KNU, and that if villagers find out someone is
cooperating with KNU, then that person will get in trouble.  Families
who join DKBA get things, but not enough.  They only give salt and
rice, but not enough.  They don't give blankets or things like that.

=============================================================

NAME:     "Pu Eh Phe Su"      SEX: M    AGE: 53   Karen Christian
farmer FAMILY: Married, 4 children aged 9-26
ADDRESS:  Ko Lar Hta village, Papun District

"Pu Eh Phe Su"'s village was in a KNU-controlled area which has
now been taken by SLORC.  He is now a refugee in Thailand. 
They fired guns in our village and we couldn't stay anymore.  One
time before, they came and fired their guns and then left, so we
could stay.  But the last time, they shot alot more and we
couldn't stay.  The first time was at the beginning of last month
[February].  The second time was only 2 weeks later.  The second
time there were about 400 soldiers.  I think they came to catch
people, but they couldn't catch anyone.

They used to fire their guns, arrest people and beat them if they
couldn't answer questions.  Two or three years ago [during their
last major offensive into the area], they shot 2 people dead from
our village.  This time one person was killed at Klaw Hta.  They
shot him dead.  He was a villager.  He was over 70 years old, so
he couldn't run.  When the villagers were fleeing the village, he
met them in the forest and they shot him.  His name was Pu Hlu
Poh.  They shot him, hit his stomach and his intestines came out. 
Pa Kyaw saw it.

This time when they came to our village they fired their guns
around.  They didn't have time to say anything and we didn't have
time to hear their voices, because we ran before they arrived. 
We hid on the other side of the village.  A shell landed very
close to my house.  Nobody was hurt.  They caught some porters,
and they had to go and carry.  None of our villagers joined DKBA. 
Everyone just fled the village.  We couldn't carry anything when
we ran, so we were in deep trouble along the way.  I think we're
safe here [in Thailand], but I'm not sure exactly.

Most of the people in our village were Buddhists, but there were
many Christians also.  There used to be so many houses, but by the
time we fled there were only 7 households left, 4 Buddhist
families and 3 Christian families.  Everybody ran away.

**************************************************************
NEWS SOURCES REGULARLY COVERED/ABBREVIATIONS USED BY BURMANET:
 ABSDF: ALL BURMA STUDENT'S DEMOCRATIC FRONT
 AMNESTY: AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL
 AP: ASSOCIATED PRESS
 AFP: AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE
 AW: ASIAWEEK
 Bt.: THAI BAHT; 25 Bt. EQUALS US$1 (APPROX),
 BBC: BRITISH BROADCASTING CORPORATION
 BF: BURMA FORUM
 BKK POST: BANGKOK POST (DAILY NEWSPAPER, BANGKOK)
 BRC-CM: BURMESE RELIEF CENTER-CHIANG MAI
 BRC-J: BURMESE RELIEF CENTER-JAPAN
 CPPSM:C'TEE FOR PUBLICITY OF THE PEOPLE'S STRUGGLE IN MONLAND
 FEER: FAR EAST ECONOMIC REVIEW
 GOA: GOVERNMENT OF AUSTRALIA
 IRRAWADDY: NEWSLETTER PUBLISHED BY BURMA INFORMATION GROUP
 KHRG: KAREN HUMAN RIGHTS GROUP
 KNU: KAREN NATIONAL UNION
 Kt. BURMESE KYAT; UP TO 150 KYAT-US$1 BLACK MARKET
                   106 KYAT US$1-SEMI-OFFICIAL
                   6 KYAT-US$1 OFFICIAL
 MOA: MIRROR OF ARAKAN
 MNA: MYANMAR NEWS AGENCY (SLORC)
 THE NATION: A DAILY NEWSPAPER IN BANGKOK
 NCGUB: NATIONAL COALITION GOVERNMENT OF THE UNION OF BURMA
 NLM: NEW LIGHT OF MYANMAR (DAILY STATE-RUN NEWSPAPER,RANGOON)
 NMSP: NEW MON STATE PARTY
 RTA:REC.TRAVEL.ASIA NEWSGROUP
 RTG: ROYAL THAI GOVERNMENT
 SCB:SOC.CULTURE.BURMA NEWSGROUP
 SCT:SOC.CULTURE.THAI NEWSGROUP
 SEASIA-L: S.E.ASIA BITNET MAILING LIST
 SLORC: STATE LAW AND ORDER RESTORATION COUNCIL
 TAWSJ: THE ASIAN WALL STREET JOURNAL
 UPI: UNITED PRESS INTERNATIONAL
 USG: UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT
 XNA: XINHUA NEWS AGENCY
**************************************************************