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BurmaNet News: 27 March, 1995
**************************BurmaNet***************************
"Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies"
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The BurmaNet News: Monday, 27 March 1995
Issue #130
++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
NOTED IN PASSING:
"If the UNHCR gets in there, those refugees are f****d.
They'll be repatriated [for] sure."
A senior Bangkok journalist on rumors that the
UNHCR will take over the refugee camps in
Thailand. <See BURMANET: SOME ADDITIONAL
BACKGROUND ON THE UNHCR>
Contents:
***********************INSIDE BURMA***************************
REUTERS: BURMA CUTS PRISONERS' SENTENCES TO MARK FORCES DAY
PPF: PEOPLE'S PROGRESSIVE FRONT FOUNDED
**********************INTERNATIONAL***************************
BURMANET: REGARDING RUMORS OF FORMAL REFUGEE CAMPS FOR BURMESE IN
THAILAND
BURMANET: SOME ADDITIONAL BACKGROUND ON THE UNHCR
UNCHR: 1995_REPORT BY THE SPECIAL RAPPORTEUR FOR BURMA
UNCHR: INTRODUCTORY STATEMENT BY THE SPECIAL RAPPORTEUR ON THE
SITUATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS IN MYANMAR
BURMANET: TEXT AND COMMENTARY ON RESOLUTION CONDEMNING SEXUAL
TRAFFICKING OF BURMESE WOMEN AND GIRLS
BURMANET: LETTER REQUESTING INFORMATION ABOUT TKAM MONASTERY
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*************THE BURMANET NEWS--MARCH 27, 1995***************
**************************************************************
*************************INSIDE BURMA*************************
REUTERS: BURMA CUTS PRISONERS' SENTENCES TO MARK FORCES DAY
27 March 1995
RANGOON (Reuter) - Burma's military government said it has cut
by one-third the sentences of more than 23,000 prisoners in honor of the
50th celebration of Armed Forces Day, official media reported Sunday.
The New Light of Myanmar newspaper said the Minister of Home
Affairs, Lt.-Gen. Mya Thinn, issued a decree reducing the sentences of
inmates who have worked on projects that were completed in time for the
celebration Monday.
``As a gesture hailing the Golden Jubilee Armed Forces Day,
one-third of their sentences... has been reduced,'' the order said,
without adding whether this meant that any of the prisoners would walk
free.
But state-run newspapers, television and radio made no mention
of any leniency toward Aung San Suu Kyi, a co-founder of the opposition
National League for Democracy (NLD) who has been under house arrest in
Rangoon since July 1989.
There have been renewed rumors in diplomatic circles and among
residents of Rangoon that Suu Kyi may be set free soon. Top officials of
the ruling State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) have been
busy cutting ribbons and inaugurating a highway, several bridges, a
beach resort and television channel -- all to be ready in time for
Monday.
Armed Forces Day marks the anniversary of the date in 1945 when
the Burmese rose to end Japan's World War II occupation. Burma
officially has no political prisoners, although dissidents, diplomats
and human rights groups abroad say several thousand people are in jail
for political offenses.
On March 15, the government announced the release of 31
prisoners, including leading dissidents Tin Oo and Kyi Maung.
Diplomats described them as the two most prominent opposition figures to
be set free since the house arrest of former prime minister U Nu was
lifted in April 1992.
Former defense minister Tin Oo, 68, was a co-founder with Suu
Kyi of the NLD in 1988 and became its first chairman. He was arrested
with her in July 1989 and imprisoned on a charge of stirring discord.
Kyi Maung, 76, a former colonel, led the NLD to an overwhelming
election victory in 1990 but the SLORC, the ruling body of the Burmese
armed forces, ignored the result and has retained power ever since.
***********************INSIDE BURMA***************************
PPF: PEOPLE'S PROGRESSIVE FRONT FOUNDED
PRESS RELEASE, 1-6-95
1. Introduction of a New Political Organization
A new political front, named as "People's Progressive Front",
was founded in the border area on 1-1-95. It was formed as a political
organization based on current situations and political developments in
order to be able to intensify Democratic People's Movements in Burma.
2. Brief Biography of PPF
DATE FORMED: 1-1-95
PLACE: Golden Hill, Payaw Range, Monland (Burma)
FOUNDERS:
1. Members of the former Mobile Medical Team
2. Progressive students
3. Patriotic personnels
MAIN BASE: Golden Hill
MEMBERSHIP: (now) 40 people
3. Major Goals of PPF
1. To topple the military dictatorship;
2. To end civil war and build internal peace;
3. To promote national reconciliation;
4. To form a new Federal State which exercises rights of equality
and self-determination, basic human rights and democratic
freedom, and to maintain national solidarity.
4. Concepts of PPF
1. We firmly believe that our goals cannot be achieved by means of
negotiations with SLORC, the military clique which represents military
dictatorship in Burma. 2. We deeply conceive that our goals can be
achieved through revolutionary struggle, cooperatively done by
strong and hard alliance forces including both democratic and national
revolutionary forces.
5. Policies of PPF
1. PPF will try best at all costs with all means of
fighting to topple the military dictatorship.
2. PPF supports and will try to form a "Civilian Interim
Government" that the Burmese people trust in.
3. PPF will fully support multi-party democracy.
4. PPF will try and work hard to form a new State which
guarantees equality and self-determination.
6. Objectives of PPF, January to June 1995
1. To recollect former members scattered along the border
areas and to recruit new strong members.
2. To work on the matters related to Internal Displaced
People Program.
3. To carry out a communication system for internal
organizational functions.
4. To make more contacts with all groups fighting against
military dictatorship.
5. To heighten awareness among international peoples to
understand how the Burmese people are suffering from
massive and systematic suppression by their military
rulers.
6. To try to participate in the activities of the
Democratic Alliance.
CENTRAL ORGANIZING COMMITTEE OF THE PEOPLE'S PROGRESSIVE FRONT
U Zaw Win Maung Chairman
Dr. Kyaw Nyunt General Secretary
U Min Lwin Joint General Secretary
U Zaw Win Organizational Secretary
U Aung Kyaw Hlaing Sec. of Information and Communication
The Central Organizing Committee has a life-span of six months
to perform its function.
ORGANIZING SUB-COMMITTEE
Daw Win Win Htay Deptth
U Thet Ko Oo Dept of Research
Salai Rang Big Dept of Organization
U Zar Ne Tun Dept of Communication
Ko Kyaw San Win member
Mo Nyi Nyi member
Maung Sun Win member
**********************INTERNATIONAL***************************
BURMANET: REGARDING RUMORS OF FORMAL REFUGEE CAMPS FOR BURMESE IN
THAILAND
27 March 1995
By "Puck"
As yet, there has been no formal agreement between UNHCR and the RTG
[Royal Thai Government] to develop full-scale Burmese refugee camps.
However, UNHCR has stated its preference for formal refugee/"safe" camps
over the present informal aid situation. Reasons cited include lack of
security in border areas and abuse, harassment, blackmail, incarceration
etc. of illegal Burmese nationals at the hands of Thai police,
military, civilians etc. Accounts of hardship faced by Burmese near the
border, in Bangkok and elsewhere in Thailand are well documented. HCR
[The High Commissioner for Refugees] has stated concern over these
reports, and considers the development of refugee camps as a possible
humanitarian solution.
In a concentrated camp situation extended medical, nutritional and
educational services could be provided. It is likely that for most
asylum seekers, the level of service provided in a formal refugee camp
setting would greatly exceed the equivalent services available in their
pre-flight and current refugee situations.
Reasons for not developing camps include destruction of existing
communication and social infrastructure among border groups, relative
loss of autonomy and freedom of movement, promotion of complete
dependency among the refugee population and development of a situation
whereby refugees must ultimately be repatriated at the convenience of
the Thai gov't, in cooperation with the Burmese gov't and under the
auspices of the UNHCR. Current alarm in the face of this prospect
underscores a serious lack of confidence in all three bodies.
BURMANET: SOME ADDITIONAL BACKGROUND ON THE UNHCR
27 March 1995
By Strider
The article above by "Puck" is an accurate summary of the current
situation. To put that situation in some context however, a bit of
background information is useful. There are in Thailand, about thirty
camps housing refugees from Burma. None of them is or ever has been run
by the UNHCR. The reason is simple enough--the Royal Thai Government
has prohibited the UNHCR from involvement on that border.
The UNHCR had a leading role in the Cambodian refugee crisis of the late
70s-80s. Recovering from an abysmal start, the UNHCR went on to provide
a useful but flawed service. From the point of view of the Thai
government, the flaw was that it ran a high profile refugee operation
that was difficult to control and a frequent cause of embarrassment to
RTG. From the point of view of some non-governmental organizations, the
problems of the UNHCR were its bloat, and its willingness to turn a
blind eye to things like Khmer Rouge intimidation and murder in some of
the camps.
When the Burmese refugee crisis started in the mid-80s, the first to
respond were a number of Thai and Thai-based church groups. As the
situation got worse, Thai officials struck a bargain with the church
groups, who were the founders of the Burmese Border Consortium (BBC).
The refugee camps would be operated primarily by ethnically-based relief
committees (i.e. the Karen Relief Committee and the Mon National Relief
Committee) with food-aid provided through the BBC. There was to be no
publicity and everything had to be cleared by Thai officials. This
arrangement has worked extremely well. RTG retained control of its
border with little outside attention, got credit for its humanitarianism
and didn't have to spend any of its own money. The refugees in turn
were able to function as a community with their own leaders and their
own customs. The donors (primarily Northern European governments and
church groups), got an extroardinarily cost-effective relief operation
(now a staff of four moving food aid to over 80,000 refugees at a cost
of about US$4million per year). In none of these areas does the UNHCR's
record on the Cambodian border compare favorably.
Although the UNHCR does not recognize any of the Burmese as "refugees,"
they have retained a minimal involvement in the Burmese situation.
UNHCR is involved in the process of resettling "persons of concern" to
third countries and they operate the "safe area" at Ban Maneloi.
When RTG wanted to set up a Ban Maneeloi, the UNHCR agreed to operate it
over objections from several quarters. Prior to the "safe camp" Burmese
students awaiting third-country resettlement were allowed to live
anywhere in Thailand so long as they obeyed the law. Moving the
students to a camp was opposed because the only purpose served was to
curtail political activity by the students.
The UNHCR's involvment with the Burmese refugees reached a low-water
mark last year at the Halockanie camp. Burmese troops attacked the
camp, the refugees fled and Thai troops ordered them back. UNHCR at
first refused to condemn the Thai effort at forced repatriation or even
to make the drive up from Bangkok to see the camps. Under intense
criticism from NGOs and some governments, the UNHCR changed course and
Ruprecht Von Arnim, the Commissioner in Thailand, went on record
condemning the action. For the first time, a UNCHR representative was
sent out to the camps. According to one critic, that first visit is
emblemmatic of the UNHCRs flaws. According to the critic, the UNHCR
representative's car (a Mercedes) could only make it to within two
kilometres of Halockanie because of the mud. The representative then
ordered her driver to return to Bangkok because she would not, on
account of her heels, be able to walk through the mud.
The situation along the border may yet bring UNHCR involvement, however
unwelcome. The SLORC sees the refugee camps as base areas for the Karen
and Mon rebel groups and is pressuring the Thais to turn the refugees
over to them. The Chuan government has no stomach for the international
condemnation this would bring but some are pushing for an alternative.
The alternative would involve forcing all Karens and Mons along the
border either into the camps or back to Burma. Movement in and out of
camps would then be restricted, with the intention of breaking links
between members of the KNU and their families in the camps. To break
the control of indigenous organizations (KRC and MNRC) within the camps,
an outside agency, e.g. the UNHCR or a UNHCR contractee, would be
brought in to run the camps.
This change would be an unwelcome change for most camp residents but may
happen anyway. With the repatriation of refugees to Cambodia and Laos,
the UNHCR is an agency with a staff but who no longer have a mission.
Involvement on the Burmese border would be a justification for their
continued existence in Bangkok.
The UNHCR's malfunction isn't merely that their personnel in Bangkok are
more concerned with having jobs then with playing a constructive role.
That would have been more accurate before von Arnim and the current High
Commissioner (Mrs. Ogata) took over. It is the more frustrating that
UNHCR is still such a problem even when it has good leadership. An
example of the limitations even good Commissioners have is the trouble
von Arnim got into with his bosses in Geneva recently. von Arnim landed
in trouble for saying he thought it likely that SLORC would use forced
labor in building the Unocal/Total pipeline as they used it everywhere
else. [Hint--von Arnim is about to look like a prophet].
UNHCR's problem is simple and insoluble--they deal with governments, not
people. The UNHCR was created by governments and is answerable to them.
This defect shows up both in personnel and in policy making. All to
often, jobs are handed out to fulfill national quotas or for any number
of of reasons having nothing to do with ability or interest. Once these
persons become tenured, it is almost impossible for a Commissioner to
fire them or even carry out a change in policy without their consent.
At a policy level, the UNHCR is affected because they operate in a
country at the sufferance of the government. In the case at hand, the
Thai government doesn't want the refugees and the Burmese regime would
prefer to liquidate at least some among them. Given a starting point
with two uncooperative governments, the chance that the UNHCR can do any
good is close to nil. If their history in similiar circumstances is
predictive of their future, letting UNHCR onto the Thai/Burma border
would be a humanitarian disaster. To see why one need only look as far
as Burma's western border.
For the second time in a generation, the UNHCR is trundling Rohingya
refugees back across the Burma/Bangladeshi border. That they've
collaborated with the SLORC and Bangladeshi government to repatriate
unwilling refugees to an unsafe country seems of little moment to the
UNHCR. It was one of von Arnim's bosses who began his career by
supervising the first Rohingya repatriation and is actually proud of it.
If instead, he, and the UNHCR as a whole, had the sense to be ashamed of
their first effort and attempt to learn from their mistakes, their
desire to get into the refugee business on the eastern border would not
be such a cause for alarm. One senior Bangkok-based journalist summed
it up this way: "If the UNHCR gets in there, those refugees are f****d.
They'll be repatriated [for] sure."
UNCHR: 1995_REPORT BY THE SPECIAL RAPPORTEUR
(1/5) [Para. 1-16]
UNITED NATIONS ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL COUNCIL
Dist. GENERAL
E/CN.4/1995/65, 12 January 1995
Original: ENGLISH
-----------------------------------------------------------
COMMISSION ON HUMAN RIGHTS
Fifty-first session
Item 12 of the provisional agenda
QUESTION OF THE VIOLATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS AND FUNDAMENTAL
FREEDOMS, IN ANY PART OF THE WORLD, WITH PARTICULAR
REFERENCE TO COLONIAL AND OTHER DEPENDENT COUNTRIES AND
TERRITORIES
Report on the situation of human rights in Myanmar prepared by the
Special Rapporteur, Mr Yozo Yokota in accordance with
commission resolution 1994/85.
CONTENTS Paragraphs Page --------
---------- ----
Introduction ................................... 1-16
A. Mandate ....................................1-4
B. Historical background ..................... 5-16
I. ACTIVITIES OF THE SPECIAL RAPPORTEUR ........ 17-94 6
A. Introduction .............................. 17 6
B. Visit to Myanmar .......................... 18-93 6
C. Visits to camps in Thailand ............... 94
21
II. ALLEGATIONS ................................ 95-144 21
A. Extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary
execution .................. 95-103 21
B. Arbitrary arrset and detention ............ 104-113 23
C. Torture and other cruel, inhuman or
degrading treatment .................... 114-117 27
D. Freedom of movement ....................... 118-120 27
E. Freedom of expression ..................... 121-123 28
F. Labour rights.............................. 124-127 29
G. Rights of the child ....................... 128-129 30
H. Treatment of the Muslim population
in Rakhine State ....................... 130-135 30
I. The National Convention ................... 136-141 31
J. The movement towards reconciliation
with insurgents .................. 142-144 32
III. CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS ............ 145-155 35
Annexes
-------
(Documents given to the special Rapporteur by the Myanmar
authorities)
I. Response of the Government of Myanmar to allegations
of extrajudicial execution while in custody, as raised by the
Special
Rapporteur during his meeting with Colonel Kyaw Win of the Directorate
of
Defence Service Intelligence on 10 Novenber 1994
.....................................38
II. National armed groups which have returned to the
legal fold ...........................................42
III. Chart showing particulars of those against whom
action has been taken for having contact with KNU
insurgents and who have been released by the Myanmar
authorities during 1994 ..............................43
Introduction
------------
A. Mandate
1. The mandate of the Special Rapporteur of the Commission on Human
Rights on the situation of human rihgts in Myanmar has been described
in each of the Special Rapporteur's previous reports to the General
Assembly (A/47/651, A/48/578 and A/49/594), and to the Commission on
Human Rights (E/CN.4/1993/37 and E/CN.4/1994/57). The mandate,
initially articulated in Commission resolution 1992/58 and extended
most recently by the Commission in its resolution 1994/85 of 9 March
1994 (approved by the Economic and Social Council in its decision
1994/269 of 25 July 1994), required the Special Rapporteur to
establish or to continue direct contacts with the Government and the
people of Myanmar, including political leaders deprived of their
liberty, their families and their lawyers, with a view to
examining the situation of human rights in Myanmar and following any
progress made towards the transfer of power to a civilian government
and the drafting of anew constitution, the lifting of restrictions on
personal freedoms and the restoration of human rights in Myanmar. In
resolution 1994/85, the Commission urged the government of Myanmar to
extend its full and unreserved cooperation to the Commission and the
Special Rappporteru and, to that end, to ensure that the Special
Rapporteur had effectively free access to any person in Myanmar whom
he might deem it appropriate to meet in performance of his mandate,
including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi; and requested the Special
Rapporteru to report to the General Assembly at its forty-ninth
session and to the Commission at its fifty-first session.
2. The substantive issues addressed by the Commission on Human Rights
in resolution 1994/85 include the following concerns: that the
electoral process initiated in Myanmar by the General elections of 27
May 1990 has not yet reached its conclusion and that the Government
still has not implemented its commitments to take all the necessary
steps towards democracy in the light of those elections; that many
political leaders, in particular elected representatives, remain
deprived of their liberty and that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, a Nobel Peace
Prize laureate, is still under house arrest; and that serious
violations of a variety of fundamental rights continue, inter alia the
proctice of forced labour , including forced portering and forced
displacement of the population. The Commission also expressed its
concern about the continuous problems created in
neighbouring countries by the exodus of refugees from Myanmar.
3. In addition, the Commission took note of the fact ttat the
Government of Myanmar had acceded to the Geneva convention of 12
August 1949; signed a memorandum of understanding on 5 November 1993
with the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees
(UNHCR) concerning the voluntary and safe repatriation of refugees
from Bangladesh; received the Special Rapporteur for a visit to
Myanmar; and observed cease-fires and undertaken negotiations with
several minority groups.
4. The Special Rapporteur submitted a preliminary report to the
General Assembly at its forty-ninth session in October 1994 (A/49/594
and Add 1). The present comprehensive report is submitted to the
Commission on Human Rights at its fifty-first session for its
consideration.
B. Historical Background
5. IN 1948, the Union of Myanmar ( then called Burma) gained
independence from British colonial rule. From 1948 until 1962, the
country was governed by a parliamentary democracy based on the
Constitution of 2 September 1947. It provided for a federal sstem of
government with separate executive, legislative and judicial branches.
The states under the Union were considered autonomous. According to
article 201 of the Constitution of 1947, ethnic monorities had , in
theory, the right to secede from the Union, but, under article 202,
this right was not to be exercised until 10 years from the date of
entry into force of the Constitution. In March 1948, an armed
insurgency against the then Government of Burma was begun by the
Communist Party of Burma. Between 1948 and 1961, various minority
ehtnic groups joined the armed insurgency.
6. In March 1962, General Ne Win took power in a coup d'etat. He
installed one-party (the Burma Socialist Programme Party) rule under
military control and embarked upon a programme known as the "Burmese
Way to Socialism". In 1947, a new constitution was drafted under which
one-party rule continued.
7. Towards 1988, nationwide demonstrations began in reaction to the
suppression of all civil and political rights since the overthrow of
the constitutional Government in 1962 and to the economic failure as
a consequence of the policy of the "Burmese WAy to Socialism".
8. From March to June 1988, students, workers and onks
demonstrated for more fredom and democracy, but the army used harsh
measures to crush the demonstrations. Hundreds of
civilians were arrested and many suffered severe injuries or died from
ill-treatment in detention. Many persons were
summarily or arbitrarily executed. On 21 June 1988, the
Government iposed a ban on all public gatherings.
9. On 23 July 1988, General Ne Win resigned as party leader and
promised economic reform and the holding of areferendum to end
one-party rule and institute a multi-party system. However,
demonstrations continued and the army and riot police attacked the
demonstrators. It was reported that approximately 3,000 persons were
killed in August 1988 alone. On 18 September 1988, the military took
power and the state Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) was set
up under the chairmanship of the Chief of Staff, Senior General Saw
Maung. The National Assembly
(Pyithu Hluttaw), the Council of State and other governmetal bodies
were dissolved. Free elections were promised by SLORC, but Daw Aung
San Suu Kyi, daughter of General U Aung San ( the National Hero of
independence who was assassinated in 1947) and general Secretary of
the National League for Democracy (NLD), ws benned from campaigning on
the ground that she kept unlawful association with insurgent
organisations. On 20 July 189, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was detained by
government forces. She has been under house arrest without trial since
then and, in 1991, she was awarded the Nobel Prize for Peace. Many
others, including most of the important oppssition political leaders,
were also detained.
10. On 27 May 1990, general elections were held in which the main
opposition party (NLD) won 81 percent of the seats (392 seats out of a
total 485) and 60 per cent of the vote. However, the official
announcement of the results of the elections was postponed by SLORC in
order to allow the election Commission set up by SLORC to scrutinize
the expense accounts of all elected representatives.
11. Beginning in early 1992, a mass exodus of Myanmar Muslims from
Rakhine State into Bangladesh was reported. At least
250,000 such persons sought refuge for fear of persecution. On 28
April 1992, the Government of Myanmar and Bangladesh signed an
agreement for the voluntary and safe return of the refugees. By
October 1993, approximately 40,000 refugees had returned to Myanmar
under this arrangement.
12. On 5 November 1993, the United Nations High Commissioner for
Refugees (UNHCR) and the Government of Myanmar signed a
memorandum of understanding in an effort to ensure the voluntary and
safe repatriation of the persons who had left the country. This
memorandum of understanding was similar to the one between UNHCR and
the Government of Bangladesh signed on 12 May 1993. Both Governments
expressed satisfaction at this accord and at the participation of
UNHCR. Between September 1992 and the end of September 1994, a total
of 75,000 refugees returned to
Myanmar. Another 45,000 refugees are expected to return the end of
1994.
13. In April 1992, General than Shwe became Chairman of SLORC after
general Saw Maung had resigned from the post for reasons of health.
Since this change of leadership, a number of new policies have been
announced and implemented, including the release of many political
leaders in detention (among them the former Prime Minister U Nu, but
not Daw Aung San Suu Kyi); the holding of a national convention to
draft the principles and guidelines for a new constitution; the
granting of permission to the family of daw Aung San suu Kyi to visit
her; the opening of universities and other institutions of higher
education; the lifting of the curfew order and martial law; and
cessation of the he of civilian cases by military tribunals.
14. On 9 January 1993, the National convention was convened, composed
of 702 delegates in eight categories:(a)
representatives of political parties, including NLD(49); (b)
representatives elected in the 1990 elections (107) ; (c)
representatives of national racial groups (215) ; (d)
representatives of peasants (93) ; (e) representative of
workers(48); (f) representatives of the intelligentsia (92); and (h)
other invited peersons (57). The meeting of the National Cn has been
adjourned several times for reasons not
clear to outside observers.
15. When the National Convention adjourned on 9 April 1994, the
Chairman of the National Convention, Chief Justice U Aung toe, stated
that agreement had been reached on the principles for drafting the
chapters of the constitution on the State, the state structiur and the
Head of State. According to these
principles, the country would be governme by an executive
president and two vice presidents, elected by presidential electoral
colleges formed by all members of the tow house of Parliament. The
Naitonal Convention reconvened on 2 September 1994. The subjects on
its current agenda are self-administered divisions and
self-administered zones, the legislature, the executive and the
judiciary.
16. In July 1994, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, began her sixth year of house
arrest. Earlier in the year, and for the first time since her arrest,
she was allowed to meet with persons other than her immediate family.
United States Congressman William Richardson met with her twice at her
home during his visit to Myanmar from 15 to 17 February. Also present
at the meetings were the
Resident representative of the United Nations Development
Programme (UNDP) in Myanmar, a representative of the United States
Embassy, and a reporter from The New YOrk times. On 20 September 1994,
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi attended another meeting with the Chairman of
SLORC , General than Shwe, and Secretary One, Lieutenant General Khin
Nyunt, at a governmental guest house. The meeting was the result of
mediation by Dr Rewata Dhamma, a Burmese Buddhist monk living in the
United Kingdom. During tow visits to Myanmar in 1994, Dr Rewata Dhamma
met with Daw Aung San suu Kyi, whon he has known for many years, and
also with members of SLORC. A second meeting between SLORC
representatives, Lieutenant General Khin Nyunt, Armed Forces
Judge-Advocate, Brigadier General Tin Aye and DAW Aung San Suu Kyi
took place on 28 October 1994 at a governmental guest-house.
ENDS(1/5)\
UNCHR: INTRODUCTORY STATEMENT BY SPECIAL RAPPORTEUR.
Final Report on the Situation of Human Rights in Myanmar
Prepared by Yozo Yokota, Special Rapporteur of the Commission on
Human Rights under Resolution 1994/85
UNCHR: INTRODUCTORY STATEMENT BY THE SPECIAL RAPPORTEUR ON THE
SITUATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS IN MYANMAR
fifty-first session of the Commission on Human Rights
To be delivered on 23 February 1995
Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. distinguished
delegates, your excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, I am
honoured to be given the opportunity to introduce this important
body of the United Nations the report on the situation of human
rihgts in MYanmar as its special Rapporteur.
As you might recall, on 9 March 1994, at its fiftieth
session, the Commission on Human Rights adopted resolution
1994/85, entitled "situation of Human Rights in MYanmar" without
a vote. In paragraph 20 of the resolution, the Commission
decided " to extend for one year the mandate of the Special
Rapporteur to establish or continue direct contacts with the
government and people of Myanmar, including political leaders
deprived of their liberty, their families and their lawyers",
and requested " him to report to the General Assembly at its
forty-ninth session and to the Commission on HUman Rights at its
fifty-first session".
My prelimenary report, published as document A/49/594,
dated 28 October 1994, and document A/49/594/Add.1, dated 9
November 1994, was submitted to the Secretary-general of the
United Nations for dissemination to all State Members of the
United Nations at the forty-ninth session of the General
Assembly.
My comprehensive report, published as document
E/CN.4/1995/65, dated 12 January 1995, is now submitted to this
fifty-first session of the Commission on Human rights for
consideration by the Commission.
Mr. Chairman, this report marks the third time that
international examination of the situation of human rights in
Myanmar has been taken up under a public procedure by the
commission on Human Rights.
The object of the direct contacts with the Government
and people of Myanmar, which were requested to the Special
Rapporteur to establish by the commission under resolution
1994/85, is to examine the situation of human rights in MYanmar
and follow any progress made towardsathe transfer of power to a
civilian government and the drafting of a new constituation, the
lifting of restrictions on personal freedoms and the restoration
of human rights in MYanmar. In order to facilitate the
fulfilment of the mandate of the Special Rapporteur, the
Government of MYanmar was urged " to cooperate fully and
unreservedly eit the commission and the Special Rapporteur and,
to that end, to ensure that the Special Rapporteur has
effectively free access to amy person in Myanmar whom he may
deem it appropriate to meet in the performance of his mandate,
including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi".
The substantive issues addressed by the Commission on
HUman Rights in the same resolution include the following
concerns: that the electoral process initiated in Myanmar by the
general elections of 27 May 1990 has not yet reached its
conclusion and that the Government still has not implemented its
commitments to take all necessary steps towards democracy in the
light of those elections; that many political leaders, in
particular elected representatives, remain deprived of their
liberty and that Daw Aung san Suu Kyi, a Nobel Peace Prize
laureate, is still under house arrest; and that the violations
of human rights in Myanmar remain extremely serious, in
particular the practice of torture, summary and arbitrary
executiaons, forced labour, including forced portering for the
military, abuse of women, politically motivated arrests and
detention, forced displacement of the population, athe existence
of important restrictions on the exerise of fundamental
freedoms, including the freedoms of expression and association,
and the imposition of oppressive measures directed, in
particular, at minority groups. The Commission also expressed
its concern about the continuous problems created in
neighbouring countries by the exodus of refugees from Myanmar.
In addition, the Commission took note of the fact that
the Government of Myanmar had acceded to the Geneva conventions
of 12 August 1949; signed a memorandum of understanding on 5
November 1993 wiht the Office of the United Nations High
Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) concerning the voluntary and
safe repatriation of refugees from Bangladesh; received the
Special Rapporteur for a visit to Myanmar; and observed
cease-fires and undertaken negotiations with several minority
groups.
At the invitation of the Government of Myanmar, by a
letter of the Minister for Foreign Affairs dated 23 September
1994, I undertook a visit to the Union of Myanmar from 7 to 16
November 1994. From 16 to 20 NOvember 1994, I visited some
Myanmar ethnic minorities in Thailand, along the Thai/Myanmar
border , to ascertain the situation of human rights within
Mynamar for these ethnic minorities.
Mr. Chairman, I wish to note with special gratitude that
the Government of Myanmar facilitated the visit, including
travel within Myanmar to Mon, Mandalay and Nangwe states, to
Mandalay and Insein Prisons, and to Yangon and Dagon
Universities, and extended many courtiesies to the Special
Rapporteur.
During the course of my visit, I was received by a
number of high-level government officials including Lieutenant
General Khin Nyunt, Secretary One of the State Law and order
Restoration Council(SLORC) , U Ohn Gyaw, Minister for Foreign
Affairs, Brigadier General Myo Thant, Minister of Information, U
Tha Tun, Attorney-General, and U Aung Toe, Chief Justice of the
Supreme Court.
While in Myanmar, I also had the opportunity to see the
representatives of the three political parties particiapating in
the National convention, namely, the Union Kayene League, The
National League for Democracy (NLD) , and the National Unity
Party (NUP). In spite of the strong request by the Special
Rapporteur to meet with them in private at his office in the
United Nations compound in Yangon, the meetings with these
pollitical leaders were arranged to take place at a Government
guest house. The location and atmosphere were not coucucive to a
free and unencumbered exange of views.
I appreciate the efforts of the government of Myanmar in
facilitating my visit to various places and meetings with
various persons mentioned here, the details of which are
recorded in the relevant parts of my comprehensive report,
particularly, in Chapter I entitled "Activities of the Special
Rapporteur", Section B entitled "Visit to Myanmar".
Nevertheless, I must express my dissapointment that I was not
allowed to see daw Aung San suu Kyi.
This comprehensive report is also based on copious
information relevant to my mandate, provided by government
authoriites, non-governmental organizations, intergovernmental
organizations and other individuals from Myanmar.
Compared with my previous visits to Myanmar, I observed
that in my most recent visit some signs of further relexation of
tension in the daily life of people. Consumer goods were
available in market places where shoppers crowded. there were
more cars on the streets. Many streets and bridges have been
built or improved. Restaurants and hotels have been build and
opened to public. However, just as last year, I was informed
that only a small portion of population enjoy the improved life
and the majority who were poor rather suffered from higher
prices of basic necessity goods such as rice and medicine.
I am still concerned about the serious restrictions
imposed upon people in the enjoyment of civil and political
rights. My personal experience, observation and reports from
reliable sources indicate that pople do not generally enjoy
freedom of thought, opinion, expression, publication and
peaceful assembly and association. People are generally still
fearful that whaterver they say or do would rsk interrogation
and arrests by the police or military intelligence.
The persons whose civil and political rights are most
severely restricted are the leaders of political parties,
particularly the NLD leaders, and delegates to the National
convention, particularly those from NLD.
With regard to arbitrary detention and imprisonment of
political leaders, I welcome the release, since April 1992, of
more than two thousand persons detaained under the emergency
regulations. However, I am concerned that hunderds of political
leadrs are believed to be still in prison or in detention.
In this connection, I was recently informed from the
Permanent Representative of the Union of Myanmar in Geneva,
Ambassador U Aye, that , since the beginning of this year, over
eighty persons serving sentences in various prisons in Myanmar
have been released after the reduction of their sentences. I am
very pleased to note that among the released I find a number of
prominent political leaders such as DR. Aung Khin Sine, to whom
I have just referred to, U Tin Moe, a wellknown poet, and U Win
Htein, a distinguished politician of NLD. I welcome the leniency
and flexibility shown by the Government of MYanmar in releasing
these persons and I hope that further actions in this direction
will be quickly taken by the Government with regard to other
political leadrs in prison or in detention.
On the same subject, I must express my disappointment
that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been under house arrest since
20 July 1989, has not yet been released. I now understand that
her detention has been further extended for six months from 10
January to 11 July 1995. This decision was taken by the council
of Ministers on 14 December 1994, though the order was only
shown to her finally on 29 January 1995. According to the
Government's own interpretation of its altered law, applied to
ner with retroactive effect, she cannot continue to be held
beyond 11 July 1995, by which time she will have been detained
without trial for six years.
With regard to the National Convention which has been
meeting on and off since January 1993 to draft the guidelines
and principles for the new constitution, there has been some
progress made and the delegates have completed the deliberation
and agreed on the first three chapters out of the total of
sixteen chapters. As I stated last year in the Commission, I
cannot help but feel that, given thae composition of the
delegates, the restrictions imposed upon the delegates, and the
general guidelines strictly to be followed, the National
convention does not appear to be the steps towards the
restoration of democracy, fully respecting the will of the
people as expressed in the democratic elections held in 1990.
However, if the process of the National convention is one that
is irreversible, the Government of Myanmar could at least
encourage the delegates to consider various provisions of the
Uiversal Declaration of HUman rights of 1948 as a basis for the
relevant human rights provisions for the new Constitution, and
for this purpose distribute a copy of the text of the
Declaration in Burmese to all the delegates of the National
Convention. The Government could also consider the possibility
to hold a national refrendum for the adoption of the new
Constitution.
I am gravely concerned at the continued reports of
forced porterage, forced labour, forced relocation, arbitrary
killings, beatings, rapes and confiscation property by the Army
soldiers which are most commonly occurring in the border areas
where the Army is engaged in military operations or "regional
development projects". In the past two years or so, I was under
the impression that the number of incidences of this kind of
serious violations of human rights was decreasing due to less
need for major military operations. In this context, I welcomed
the conclusion of agreements between the Government of Myanmar
and thirteen armed ethnic nationals, and I was hopeful that an
agreement would be reached peacefully between the Government and
the Karen National Union(KNU) , the largest armed ethnic group
remaining. However, it was reported that, starting from the end
of last year, an armed conflict occurred between the army of
Myanmar and the Karen armed group. Since I was aware of the
implications of such military conflict for the situation of
human rights in Myanmar, I expressed my concern to the
government of Myanmar and to the appropriate high officials of
the United Nations. I particularly pointed out that vulnerable
civilians, in particular women, children and the sick and
wounded may have special humanitarian needs. I, therefore,
called upon the Government of Myanmar to resolve peacefully its
difficulties with ethnic minorities and to take all appropriate
measures to ensure respect for human rights and humanitarian
obligations in this region.
With regard to the disciplinary actions taken against
the members of the Army who have broken the law, the Government
of Myanmar for the first time provided me with a list of some
concrete cases. As it reached me after I have submitted my
comprehensive report to the Secretariat, I was unable to include
in my report a reference to such cases. I wish to mention this
fact with satisfaction that the Government of Myanmar is trying
to facilitate my work as Special Rapporteur by providing me with
such delicate but important information.
Mr. Chairman, I would like to conclude this introductory
statement by summarizing the recommendation included in my
comprehensive report:
(a) The Government of Myanmar should fulfil in good
faith the obligations it has assumed under articles 55 and 56 of
the Charter of the United Nations "to take joint and separate
action in cooperation with Organization for the achievement of
....universal respect for, and observance of, human rights and
fundamental freedoms for all without distinction as to race,
sex, language and religion".
(b) The Government of Myanmar should consider accession
to: the International Covenants on Human Rights; the convention
against Torture and Other Curel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment
or Punishment; and the two Protocols additional to the Geneva
conventions of 1949.
(c) Myanmar law should be brought into line with
accepted international standards regarding protection of
physical integrity, including the right to life, protection
against disappearace, prohibition of torture and other cruel,
inhuman or degrading treatment, providing humane conditions for
all persons under detention and insurance of the minimum
standards of judicial guarantees.
(d) The Government of Myanmar should take steps to
facilitate the guarantee enjoyment of the freedoms of opinion,
expression and association, in particular by decriminalizing the
expression of oppositional views, relinquishing government
control over the media and literary and artistic communities,
and permitting the formation of independently organized trade
unions.
(e) All political leaders, including elected political
representatives, students, workers, peasants and others arrested
or detained under maritial law after the 1988 and 1990
demonstrations or as a result of the National Convention, should
be tried by a properly constituted and independent civilian
court in an open and internationally accessible judicial
process. If found guilty in such judicial proceedings, they
should be given a just sentence. Alternatively, they should be
immediately released and the Government refrain from all acts of
intimidation, threats or reprisals against them or their
familites. with respect to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the government
should release her immediately and unconditionally.
(f) The Government of Myanmar should take the necessary
steps to bring the conduct of the military, including ordinary
soldiers and officers, into line with accepted international
human rights and humanitarian standards so that they do not
arbitrarily kill, rape, confiscate property, force persons into
acts of labour or porterage, relocate them or otherwise treat
persons without respect to their dignity as human beings. When
the hiring of local villagers for porterage and other works may
be required for governmental purposes, it should be undertaken
on a voluntary basis and adequate wages should be paid. the
nature of work should be reasonable and inaccordance with
established international labour standards. When the relocation
of villages is considered necessary for military operations or
for development projects, proper consultiation with the
villagers should take place and appropriate compensation should
be paid for those relocations which may be determined necessary
for reasons of the public good.
(g) The Govenment of MYanmar should take all spets to
refrain from recruiting any person who has not attained the age
of 15 years into their armed forces, in accordance with article
38(3) of the Convention on the rights of the Child.
(h) All military and law enforcement personnel,
including prison guards, should be thoroughly informed and
trained as to their responsibilities, in full accordance with
the standards set out in international human rights instruments
and humanitarian law. Such standards should be incourporated
into Myanmar law and legislation, including the new constitution
to be drafted. The training programme underteken with the
cooperation of the International Commission of the Red Cross is
a good start in this direction and should be continued.
(i) Goven the magintude of the abuses, official
condemnation should be made by the government of all acts by
authorities involving human rights violations. Such acts,
including all acts of intimidation, threat or reprisal, should
not benefit from the present syetem of almost complete denial
by, and impunity under, the Government.
(j) The Government of Myanmar should consider the
revision of the 1982 Citizenship Law to abolish its burdensome
requirements for citizenship. The law should not apply its
categories of second class citizenship in a manner which has
discriminatory effects on racial or ethnic minorities,
particularly the Rakhine Muslim population. It should be brought
into line with the principles embodied in the Convention on the
Reduction of Statelessness of 30August 1961.
(k) The Governemt of Myanmar is encouraged to continue
its cooperation with the Office of the United Naitons High
commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) in facilitating and ensuring
the voluntary and safe return of Rakhine Muslims from
Bangladesh.
(l) The Government of Myanmar is also encouraged to
continue its cooperation with international non-governmental
organizations in facilitating and ensuring the free access of
their international staff to ordinary persons in the townships
and villages in order to establish contacts and provide
assistance to persons who are suffering from a shortage or lack
of food, safe water, medicines, medical care and proper
education.
Thank you very much, Mr. chairman, for giving me the
opportunity to introduce my comprehensive report on MYanmar.
ENDS\
**********************INTERNATIONAL***************************
BURMANET: TEXT AND COMMENTARY ON RESOLUTION CONDEMNING SEXUAL
TRAFFICKING OF BURMESE WOMEN AND GIRLS
27 March 1995
Posted by reaproy@xxxxxxxx
The following resolution has been introduced by Rep. Louise Slaughter
(D-New York) and her office is currently seeking other Members of the
House of Representatives to co-sponsor it. So far, 43 Members have
done so. A similar resolution was introduced last session of Congress
(but only a few months before the end of that session) and it managed
to attract more than 60 co-sponsors. This is to say that much more
work needs to be done this time around! Very few persons could say
that they are opposed to seeking an end to trafficking in women of any
race, esp. for prostitution, and in this case the plight of Burmese
women is particularly compelling. Human Rights Watch/Asia did a very
comprehensive report on this situation last year and you should
contact them if you need more information about this phenomenon. Their
contact is: Human Rights Watch/Asia, 1522 K. Street, N.W., Suite 910,
Washington, D.C. 20005, phone: (202) 371-6592. Internet:
hrwdc@xxxxxxxx In any case, it is urgent that you and your friends
who care about Burma contact your U.S. Congressperson and urge them to
co-sponsor this important piece of legislation. If a sufficient
number of Members of Congress co-sponsor it, there is a strong
likelihood that it will be brought up on the House floor and passed,
thereby sending a strong message to the SLORC and the corrupt Thais
profiting from Burma's misery.
Contact your Congressperson: Rep. ________________
U.S. House of Representatives
Washington, D.C. 20515
or call: (202) 225-3121 (Capitol Hill switchboard) and ask to be
transferred to the office of your Congressperson.
======================================================================
104th CONGRESS
1st Session
H. CON. RES. 21
Expressing the sense of the Congress concerning the
trafficking of Burmese women and girls into Thailand for the purposes
of forced prostitution.
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
February 1, 1995
Ms. Slaughter submitted the following concurrent resolution;
which was referred to the Committee on International Relations
CONCURRENT RESOLUTION
Expressing the sense of the Congress concerning the
trafficking of Burmese womand girls into Thailand for the purposes of
forced prostitution.
Whereas credible reports indicate that thousands of Burmese
women and girls are being trafficked into Thailand with false
promises of good paying jobs in restaurants or factories, and then
forced to work in brothels under slavery-like conditions that include
sexual and physical violence, debt bondage, exposure to HIV, passport
deprivation, and illegal confinement;
Whereas credible reporindicate that members of the Thai
police force are often actively involved in, and profit from, the
trafficking of Burmese women and girls for the purposes of forced
prostitution;
Whereas the United States Government conducts training
programs for the Thai police and United States arms and equipment are
sold to the Thai police;
Whereas the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of
Discrimination Against Women requires all States Parties `to
take all appropriate measures, including legislation, to suppress all
forms of traffic in women and exploitation of prostitution of
women';
Whereas Article 1 of the 1956 Supplementary Convention on
the Abolition of Slavery, the Slave Trade, and Institutions and
Practices Similar to Slavery calls for the complete abolition or
abandonment of debt bondage;
Whereas forced labor, defined under the 1930 Forced Labor
Convention as `all work or service which is exacted from any
person under the menace of any penalty and for which the said person
has not offered himself voluntarily,' is internationally prohibited;
Whereas the 1949 Convention for the Suppression of Traffic
in Persons and of the Exploitation of the Prostitution of Others
finds the traffic in persons for the purposes of prostitution
`incompatible with the dignity and worth of the human person,' and
calls on States Parties to punish any person who procures for the
purposes of prostitution, keeps, manages or knowingly finances a
brothel, or rents premises for the prostitution of others;
Whereas Assistant Secretary of State for Human Rights and
Humanitarian Affairs John Shattuck has testified that the United
States `urgently needs to encourage countries in which trafficking
of women and children goes on with impunity to enact new laws, and
to enforce existing laws. A particular target of this stepped-up
law enforcement should be government officials who participate in
or condone trafficking, as well as brothel owners and
traffickers'; and
Whereas Secretary of State Warren Christopher stated before
the 1993 World Conference on Human Rights that `(g)uaranteeing human
rights is a moral imperative with respect to both women and men':
Now, therefore, be it
Resolved by the House of Representatives (the Senate
concurring), That it is the sense of the Congress that--
(1) trafficking in persons violates the fundamental
principle of human dignity, and forced prostitution involving physical
coercion or debt bondage constitutes arm of forced labor and
a slavery-like practice;
(2) the United States State Department should continue
to press the Thai Government to strictly enforce all laws that can
lead to the prosecution of those involved in trafficking and
forced prostitution, including procurers, traffickers, pimps,
brothel owners, and members of the Thai police who may be
complicit;
(3) the State Department should ensure that Thai
police participants in United States Government-sponsored police
training programs are systematically vetted to exclude those
who are implicated in trafficking and forced prostitution;
(4) the executive branch should take steps to assure
that weapons and equipment provided or sold to the Thai police do
not become available to members of those forces who might be
involved in trafficking, forced prostitution, or abuse of women
and girls who are apprehended;
(5) the State Department should urge the Thai
Government to protect the rights and safety of Burmese women and girls
in Thailand who are freed from brothels or who are arrested as
illegal immigrants because their status as trafficking victims
is unclear;
(6) the United States Agency for International
Development should target a portion of its assistance to Thailand for
AIDS prevention and control to the foreign population in Thailand,
particularly Burmese women and girls in the Thai sex industry;
and
(7) the State Department should report to Congress,
within 6 months of the date of this resolution, on actions that it has
taken to advocate that the Thai Government implement the above
steps.
**********************INTERNATIONAL***************************
BURMANET: LETTER REQUESTING INFORMATION ABOUT TKAM MONASTERY
27 March 1995
BurmaNet has received the following request:
Friends,
does anybody know if TKAM monastery (Watsonville, CA) has an E-mail
address? Any address or phone number would be appreciated. Pls respond
to ehager@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx attn: TJOR. Thanks.
**********************INTERNATIONAL***************************
BURMANET: LETTER---HELP!
>From U=Win%Counseling%OCC@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxx Thu Mar 23 09:31:35 1995
Date: Thu, 23 Mar 95 09:22:10 PST
Subject: HELP! HELP! HELP!
To: strider@xxxxxxxxxxx
Cc:
I careless deleted the two pieces I flashed on the internet. The
first one is an editorial from the Los Angeles Times of 14 Feb 95
followed by my response as letter to the LAT editor published on 24
Feb 95. There was another long piece called A GOOD MAN IN BURMA,
about the shooting of BEYOND RANGOON on location in Malaysia. If
anyone still has these two pieces, please forwarded back to me.
I am also trying to establish a net of friends around the world who
have internet capability. Would appreciate to hear from as many as
possible giving name, location, phone/fax numbers as well. I am
particularly in need of contacts in Canberra, New Delhi, Melbourne,
Jakarta, Penang, Paris, London.
Thanks, and many thanks. God Bless.
Professor U Kyaw Win
Orange Coast College
PO Box 5005
Costa Mesa, CA 92628-5005
USA
Phone +(1714) 432-5860
E-mail alias: win@xxxxxxxx
**************************************************************
NEWS SOURCES REGULARLY COVERED/ABBREVIATIONS USED BY BURMANET:
ABSDF: ALL BURMA STUDENT'S DEMOCRATIC FRONT
AMNESTY: AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL
AP: ASSOCIATED PRESS
AFP: AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE
AW: ASIAWEEK
Bt.: THAI BAHT; 25 Bt. EQUALS US$1 (APPROX),
BBC: BRITISH BROADCASTING CORPORATION
BF: BURMA FORUM
BKK POST: BANGKOK POST (DAILY NEWSPAPER, BANGKOK)
BRC-CM: BURMESE RELIEF CENTER-CHIANG MAI
BRC-J: BURMESE RELIEF CENTER-JAPAN
CPPSM:C'TEE FOR PUBLICITY OF THE PEOPLE'S STRUGGLE IN MONLAND
FEER: FAR EAST ECONOMIC REVIEW
GOA: GOVERNMENT OF AUSTRALIA
IRRAWADDY: NEWSLETTER PUBLISHED BY BURMA INFORMATION GROUP
KHRG: KAREN HUMAN RIGHTS GROUP
KNU: KAREN NATIONAL UNION
Kt. BURMESE KYAT; UP TO 150 KYAT-US$1 BLACK MARKET
106 KYAT US$1-SEMI-OFFICIAL
6 KYAT-US$1 OFFICIAL
MOA: MIRROR OF ARAKAN
MNA: MYANMAR NEWS AGENCY (SLORC)
THE NATION: A DAILY NEWSPAPER IN BANGKOK
NCGUB: NATIONAL COALITION GOVERNMENT OF THE UNION OF BURMA
NLM: NEW LIGHT OF MYANMAR (DAILY STATE-RUN NEWSPAPER,RANGOON)
NMSP: NEW MON STATE PARTY
RTA:REC.TRAVEL.ASIA NEWSGROUP
RTG: ROYAL THAI GOVERNMENT
SCB:SOC.CULTURE.BURMA NEWSGROUP
SCT:SOC.CULTURE.THAI NEWSGROUP
SEASIA-L: S.E.ASIA MAILING LIST
S.H.A.N.: SHAN HERALD AGENCY FOR NEWS
SLORC: STATE LAW AND ORDER RESTORATION COUNCIL
TAWSJ: THE ASIAN WALL STREET JOURNAL
UPI: UNITED PRESS INTERNATIONAL
USG: UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT
XNA: XINHUA NEWS AGENCY
**************************************************************