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BurmaNet News: Constitutional Semin
- Subject: BurmaNet News: Constitutional Semin
- From: strider@xxxxxxxxxxx
- Date: Wed, 16 Nov 1994 05:55:00
Subject: BurmaNet News: Constitutional Seminar
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BurmaNet News: Tuesday, November 15, 1994
Issue #65
SPECIAL SUPPLEMENT: THE CONSTITUTIONAL SEMINAR IN MANERPLAW
October 21, 1994
[The following documents came from the Constitutional Seminar
recently held in Manerplaw, the headquarters of the Karen-
controlled "liberated areas" of Burma. Manerplaw is symbolically
important because it is inside Burma and a number of the
democratic opposition groups maintain delegations there. The
constitutional seminar is intended largely to counter and educate
about the SLORC-controlled National Convention in Rangoon--
Editor.]
**************************************************************
Contents:
1 NCUB: STATEMENT OF THE NATIONAL COUNCIL OF THE UNION OF
BURMA (NCUB) ON THE HOLDING OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL SEMINAR
2 CONSTITUTIONAL SEMINAR ON THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNION OF
BURMA
3 ANALYSIS OF SLORCS NATIONAL CONVENTION
4 POSITION STATEMENT OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL SEMINAR
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NCUB: STATEMENT OF THE NATIONAL COUNCIL OF THE UNION OF BURMA
(NCUB) ON THE HOLDING OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL SEMINAR
August 19, 1994
1. Due to a lack of investment in basic economic structures, the
drop in exports, the great disparity between the official and
black market currency exchange rates, the inflation rate of over
45% and the more than five-fold increase in consumer prices
compared to those of 1988, the current situation of the economy
and the livelihood of the people of Burma has assumed a crisis
proportion. It is evident that the SLORC has no capability to
solve the problem.
2. The SLORC has also to face serious political malaise because
it has to continue ruling the country by military dictatorship
since it seized power in 1988, and because of its refusal to hand
over power after the May 1990 election, its inability to
establish real internal peace thought it has reached cease-fire
agreements with a number of groups, the increasing international
pressure due to its unjust detention of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi as
well as hundreds of politicians and the continued wide-spread
violations of human rights by its troops.
3. In order to escape from the political dilemma, the SLORC has
been holding a fraudulent national convention. It is attempting
to give credibility to its national convention by reaching
cease-fire agreements with some armed organizations and allowing
their delegates to attend its convention. There are some
indications that the SLORC would make the effort somehow to
relate its negotiation with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to its national
convention.
4. The basic principles laid down at its fraudulent national
convention show that the SLORC is attempting to fabricate a state
constitution that would perpetuate military dictatorship. The
main objective of the SLORC is to eternalize its rule in the garb
of legality by forming a government according to that
constitution. If the SLORC gained, by that means, legality to
continue its rule, it would not only be unnecessary for it to
respect the result of the May 1990 but it would also gain a valid
guarantee for the perpetuation of its rule. With the sign-board
of a legal government, the SLORC would try to gain international
assistance for solving the economic and other problems.
5. After devising a constitution in accordance with its wishes,
it is certain the SLORC would apply pressure on the groups, with
which it has now reached temporary cease-fire agreements, to
abide by the constitution or, in other words, to lay down arms.
In that case, the cease-fire agreements would break down and the
fire of civil war would rage more violently than ever. So long as
a constitution guaranteeing (1) democratic and human rights, and
(2) equality for the indigenous ethnic nationalities - has not
emerged, a genuine peace cannot be established in the country. If
peace cannot be established, the SLORC would use the civil war as
an excuse to commit human rights violations without end.
6. If the SLORC cannot cloak a semblance of legality on its rule
through a constitution that could result from its fraudulent
national convention, the SLORC would certainly have to relinquish
power, as it would not be able to overcome the economic,
political and the general crisis it is facing now. Accordingly,
it is necessary for all the democratic and nationality forces to
make a concerted effort to prevent the emergence of a
constitution that would prolong, in any form, the existence of
military dictatorship. Only then there would be a possibility for
the emergence of a general political conference where the
political problems will be solved correctly by political means.
7. With the objectives mentioned above, the NCUB, with it
initiative and sponsorship, is to hold a seminar on the
constitutional matters of the Union of Burma in Manerplaw, the
liberated area. At the seminar, matters relating to the SLORCs
national convention and how the SLORC is manipulating to
institute military dictatorship according to the principles laid
down by its convention, will be widely discussed. In addition,
the draft "Constitution of the Future Federal Union of Burma"
approved by the 1993 DAB Congress will be submitted for
discussion, and views, criticism and advice relating to it will
be recorded for future reference.
8. Discussions, resolutions and declarations made by the seminar
will be documented on video film voice tapes and in writing for
domestic and international distribution including the UNO and
democratic countries all over the world. In conclusion, we, the
NCUB would like to request Burmese organizations and patriots
abroad, and NGOs as well as individuals promoting human rights,
to hold similar seminars on the constitution of the Union of
Burma, in their respective countries.
Executive Committee
**************************************************************
CONSTITUTIONAL SEMINAR ON THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNION OF BURMA
(I)
AIMS AND OBJECTIVES
(A) To systematically expose, by political means, that the SLORCs
National Convention is not a genuine and legitimate national
convention but a fraudulent one;
(B) To highlight, internally and internationally, the fact that
the basic principles laid down by the SLORCs National Convention
would only prolong the evil existence of military dictatorship
and that they are opposed to the interest of the people of Burma
composed of multi-ethnic nationalities;
(C) To highlight the fact that a federal constitution based on
democracy is necessary for the establishment of lasting peace in
Burma;
(D) To compile, through ns, opinions, suggestions and advice on
the Dabs draft Constitution of the Future Federal Union of Burma;
(E) To raise the level of good-will, understanding, cooperation
and unity among anti-military dictatorship forces.
(II)
AGENDA
It is divided into three parts as follows:--
Discussions on facts relating to the SLORCs National Convention.
Discussions on the basic principles laid down by the SLORCs
National Convention. Discussions on the draft Constitution of the
Future Federal Union of Burma, prepared by the DAB, and compiling
opinions, suggestions and advice on it.
(A) FIRST PART - Facts Relating to SLORCs National Convention
(1) The Background
(a) Seizure of state power in 1962 and the 1974 Constitution
(b) Events in the period from time of the seizure of po wer in
1988 to the time of May 1990 general election.
(i) The machination of SLORC, under the slogan of multi-party,
for the emergence of a plethora of political parties.
(ii) Suppression of the activities of democrati c political
parties.
(iii) SLORCs aid to NUP and its satellite parti es.
(iv) Suppression by SLORC during election perio d.
(c) Events in the period starting from the time after M ay 1990
election to the time when preparatory meetings for the SLORCs
National Convention were held.
(i) Victory of the NLD in the election.
(ii) Effort by the NLD and elected MPs for the
transfer of power.
(iii) Measures taken by the SLORC to avoid the
transfer of power after reneging on its promise.
(2) Nomination of Delegates to SLORCs National Convention
(a) No official announcement of the list of delegates.
(b) No set guide-line for the nomination of delegates.
(c) Ratio between the number of elected MPs nominated as
delegates and the entire number of delegates.
(3) Procedural Rules for SLORCs National Convention
(4) Experiences met in SLORCs National Convention
(B) SECOND PART - Discussion on Basic Principles Laid Down by
SLORCs National Convention
(1) Institution of states, divisions and legislature.
(2) Division of power.
(3) Election of the president.
(4) The practice of democracy according to the constitution.
(5) Civil administration and the role of the military.
(6) The constitution and economic policy.
(C) THIRD PART -
Discussions on the draft Constitution of the Future Federal Union
of Burma prepared by the DAB and compilation of opinions,
suggestions and advice made relating to the draft, for future
reference.
**************************************************************
ANALYSIS OF SLORCS NATIONAL CONVENTION
BACKGROUND HISTORY
Military Coup in 1962
Before 1962, almost all the political parties in Burma were weak,
in practice, the exercise of democracy principles. The leading
parties such as the Union Party, Anti-Fascist Freedom League and
National United Front themselves had misconceptions of federalism
and were much reluctant to exercise the principle of equality
with regard to the non-Burman ethnic nationalities. The majority
of the people were also not well familiar with the idea. The
racial chauvinist military clique led by Gen Ne Win seized power
on March 2, 1962 when there was a movement for federalism and
abolished the 1947 constitution the next day. With the seizure of
power, the military clique heightened its propaganda that
federalism would lead to secession and the disintegration of the
Union.
Emergence of 1974 Constitution
The economy of Burma started to deteriorate from the year 1966
under the military rule. The regime tried to get foreign
assistance for solving the economic problem. Due to the absence
of a constitution, it did not make much headway. Accordingly, it
drafted a constitution for forming a one-party state which fully
guaranteed the perpetuation of military dictatorship. A
referendum was held on the draft in 1974 and the people were
forced to support it. Then a general election was held and the
so-called civilian government, dominated by military and
ex-military officers, was formed according to the constitution
and widely publicised.
SLORCs Chairmans Promise
After the 1988 military coup and the formation of SLORC, the
Chairman of SLORC announced, "All the Armed Forces personnel, my
colleagues and I would like to solemnly promise not to hold on to
power for a long time. We will not break this promise for any
reason. Moreover, we additionally promise that the Armed Forces,
after transferring power to a democratically elected civilian
government which will emerge from a free and fair election, shall
only perform its principal tasks of defence, security of the
State and maintaining Law and Order and etc." (Speech by Gen Saw
Maung on Sept 23, 1988)
Abetting by SLORC to National Unity Party (NUP) Before and During
Election
1.
According to the Political Party Registration Law promulgated on
Sept 27, 1988 paragraph (c) of Article (3) states that any party
which had used directly or indirectly State owned monies,
buildings, vehicles and/or properties would not be allowed for
registration.
Many political parties objected to the registration of NUP on the
grounds that it had inherited throughout the country all the
Burma Socialist Programme Party (BSPP) buildings, vehicles and
money, which were state properties. However, the Election
Commission refused to disqualify the NUP on the grounds that the
properties had been legally transferred to NUP.
2.
The NUP also benefited from the project called "100 lakes - 100
plantations" (which was a large-scale agriculture and fish-
breeding project) in Pegu Division over a period of one year.
3.
Although SLORCs martial law and curfew orders prohibited people
to go outside their homes after 10 p.m., the NUP was openly
permitted to go about their business well after 10 p.m. The SLORC
also arranged for the NUP to have public gathering places for
election campaigns. On election day, political parties were
banned from canvassing within 100 yards of the poll-booths.
However, in some places of the Shan Stathe NUP was allowed to
hang up posters inside the poll-booths on election day.
For the reasons above, it was clear that the SLORC abetted the
NUP by all possible means, so as to make it have unfair
advantages over the others in the elections.
SLORCs Repression of Other Parties
1. The NUP objected to the candidacy of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi,
citing paragraph (c), Article (10) of the Election Law and put
pressure on the Election Commission, which disqualified her as a
candidate of Bahan constituency.
2. The SLORCs Decree # 488 prohibited the gathering of more than
5 persons in open air and 50 persons in a building, and thus
political parties were deprived of freedom of organization and
assembly.
3. Paragraph (c) of Order # 3/90 said, "The speeches and
publications presenting ideologies, positions, programs and etc.
by political parties and independents
shall not violate the existing laws, prohibitions, and
limitations or rules of relevant orders." So, speeches in writing
and publications had to be submitted to the Information Ministry,
9 days in advance, and only the censored versions were allowed
for presentation. Thus the political parties were deprived of the
freedom of speech.
4. Limitations imposed by Order # 3/89 saying, "Political parties
shall not be exempted from the 1962 Printing and Publishers
Registration Law, and shall register with the Home and Religious
Ministry. Tracts and statements issued by political parties shall
be published only when they are accompanied by literary and
Publication Exemption License #," deprived the freedom of thought
and the Press.
5. For a period of 19 months up to April 20, 1990, 50 political
parties were summoned for 340 times and intimidated. Advance
arrangements were systematically made to exclude from the
election such political leaders as NLD Chairman U Tin Oo, NLD Gen
Sec Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, former Prime Minister U Nu, Bo Hmu Aung
and etc. Thousands of leaders and members of pro-democracy
parties were thrown into prison prior to the election. Some died
in prison because of torture. Though the NUP, which was in
violation of the Political Parties Registration Law, was not
abolished, many pro-democracy parties were abolished on flimsy
charges.
Victory of NLD
The NLD was voted overwhelmingly because of the peoples:--
- Detestation of and opposition to the military dictatorship; -
Conviction that the NLD Gen Sec Daw Aung San Suu Kyi would be
able to realstablishment of human rights, promotion of a
democratic system and the rights of the ethnic nationalities; -
Acceptance, in general, the political out-look and conviction of
the NLD.
Endeavours for Power Transfer
Since the SLORC military clique had had no intention to transfer
power to the NLD, which had won a majority of seats in the
election in spite of various repressive measures and limitations,
it started taking steps to delay the power transfer.
The SLORCs Order # 1/90, declared that the formation of a
government, on the basis of a provisional constitution, for the
take over of state power would not in any way be accepted, and
that effective actions would be taken against any movement for
it.
On July 28-29, 1990, elected MPs from the NLD assembled for
consultation in Martial Law, the effort to form a government in
the liberated area was made.
Order 1/90 and Track for Constitution Framing
Paragraph (c) of SLORCs Order # 1/90 says, "Therefore, the
representatives elected by the people have the duty to frame a
constitution for the future democratic state." Thus, to avoid the
transfer of power, the SLORC laid down the track for constitution
framing in Ghandi Hall, Kyauktada Township, Rangoon and issued
the declaration called the "Ghandi Hall Declaration."
In it, the elected NLD MPs
unanimously called upon the SLORC to convene a parliament meeting
in the month of September 1990.
As it became absolutely impossible to call a meeting of the
majority of elected MPs and form a government in a situation of
restless repression under the SLORC.
Emergence of National Convention
Since the seizure of power, the SLORC has no intention of
returning it to the people. The holding of the May 27, 1990
election was also an act by the SLORC to prolong its hold on
power. With the slogan of creating a multi-party system, it
created a situation for the emergence of numerous political
parties to fragment the vote. By assisting the NUP and
suppressing the other political parties by various means, the
SLORC was manipulating for the victory of NUP in the election.
Had the NUP won in the election, the SLORC would have transferred
power and made arrangements for their rule of military
dictatorship to become legal and the long-term hold on power.
When the NUP had a defeat in the polls, the SLORC reneged on its
promise. In the scheme of the SLORC to obviate the transfer of
power, the National Convention was organised by it, occupying a
major role.
With the heading of "Convening of a National Convention", the
SLORC issued Order # 11/92, dated April 24, 1992. Only when that
announcement was made, the people and the international community
started to hear the expression, "national convention" being used
by the SLORC. This came only when a period of 2 years had elapsed
after the election. All the analyses show that the SLORC is
attempting to gain the right to legally prolong its rule by
framing a state constitution based on the basic principles, which
its National Convention has been laying down guaranteeing the
perpetuation of military dictatorship.
ANALYSIS OF THE SELECTION OF SLORCS NATIONAL CONVENTION (N.C.)
DELEGATES
Manerplaw, October 12, 1994
1. The SLORCs N.C., includes no elected representatives from
either political parties nor organizations representing Kachin,
Karen, Chin, Arakan or Mon State. Therefore, it is concluded that
the SLORCs N.C. does not in fact represent the ethnic
nationalities.
2. There are no organizations representing the ethnic
nationalities, the peasants, the workers, the civil service
personnel nor the intelligentsia. The SLORC has merely set up a
false facade to hoodwink the international community.
3. Of the 702 delegates attending the N.C. held by the SLORC,
more than 600 have been selected according to SLORCs preference.
4. Accordingly, the SLORCs N.C. is dominated by fraudulgates.
EXTRACTS FROM EXPERIENCES AT SLORCS N.C.
1. The SLORC N.C. is simply a pretense pre-arranged and
controlled strictly at every level.
2. The N.C Work Committee is regulating and dominating every
aspect of the N.C. For example, 9 members of the Panel of
Chairmen (Presidium) had to read for 5 days the 830-page paper
written in advance by the N.C. Work Committee. Based on that
paper, detailed principles under the headings of Composition and
Structure of State, and Head of State were derived.
3. The delegates are attending the SLORCs N.C. with uncertain and
poorly defined hopes.
4. Though the real delegates of the people lodged protests by
various means, the SLORC's N.C. consistently ignored them.
5. Through the organization known as the Union Solidarity and
Development Association it had formed, the SLORC forced the
people to make a show of support for the so-called 104 basic
principles laid down by the N.C.
6. With the creation of the areas known as self-administered ze
SLORC has tried to entice the smaller ethnic nationalities.
7. The number of delegates (over 700 originally) is seen to
decrease steadily.
8. The army generals manipulate the N.C. by using coercive power.
9. At the N.C., the SLORC sows dissension among the different
social classes, on purpose.
10. There are cases of one principle contradicting another among
the principles laid down by the SLORC's N.C. For instance, under
the headline "Aims of the State", item # 4 affirms The promotion
of multi-democracy but # 6 affirms The participation of the
military in the leading role in national political of the State.
11 The SLORC's N.C. is performing with the aim to legalise all
the human rights violations committed by SLORC.
12. The SLORC has been attempting, by manipulation and coercion,
to have a provision allowing the military to participate in the
leading role in national political, in the constitution of Burma
it is trying to draft.
EXTRACTS FROM ANALYSES OF SLORC'S N.C. PROCEDURAL CODE
6 aims mentioned in Article 1 of the N.C. Procedural Code are the
cardinal principles circumscribing the whole N.C. There is no
permission to use history as a background to debate for the
cessation of civil war which has been the main cause of human
rights violations in Burma. For the SLORC, it is immaterial
whether to have constitutional provisions guaranteeing the
equality of all the indigenous ethnic nationalities or to define
where and how the sovereignty resides, and it allows the
discussion only about the stability of sovereignty. The aim of
"The participation of the military, in the leading role, in the
national political of the State" is the attempt by the SLORC
military clique to have the constitutional rights to interfere in
civil administration.
2. The Panel of Chairmen is composed of 45 members representing
delegate groups. Of the 45, only 4 from the N.C. Convening Work
Committee are the principal ones with real powers. The political
parties and elected representatives of the people groups were
allowed together 10 members. However, in practice, only 3 elected
representatives were included. The 3 were:--
(a) U Daniel Aung - Lahu National Development Party (Minebyin
constituency) (Burma) U Maung Maung Gyi - Union Pa-O National
League (Pinlaung constituency) (c) U San Tha Aung - Myo (a.k.a.)
Kami Solidarity Organization (Kyauktaw constituency)
As only 3 elected representatives were included in the Panel of
Chairmen having 45 members, the three had hardly any voice. When
U Daniel Aung left for the liberated area, only 2 were left on
the Panel.
3. The freedom of speech of the delegates is toaly prohibited by
Articles 1, 5 (c), 8 (junta), 37, 45 (a-, j).
According to Articles 15 (c) and 16 (i), action can be taken
against a delegate at any time for matters included in
discussion. Action has been taken in practice, an example being
Dr Aung Khin Hsint.
4. Though the expression of N.C. discussions was used, in actual
practice only papers were read and there had been no free
discussions. When the stage for laying down basic principles
approached, the discussion paper had to be submitted to the Panel
of Chairmen. The Panel, if necessary, summoned the delegate
concerned and asked to make changes in the paper. If the delegate
refused, his paper was sent to the Work Committee which made
changes as desired and handed down the presentation in the
meetings. The presentation had to be exactly in accordance with
the edited version. Article 45 (j).
5. Though the SLORC strictly controlled the N.C. with its N.C.
Procedural Code, if it was necessary for the protection of its
interest, it acted outside the Code for action against the
delegates.
6. Article 8 (e) has been included as it fears criticism against
the armed forces.
7. An overall analysis of performances in practice, in accordance
with the Procedural Code, we see that Article 19 of the Human
Rights Provisions has been entirely denied.
ANALYSIS OF SLORC'S N.C. AS A WHOLE
The SLORC's National Convention analysed on the basis of:--
(a) The historical background; (b) The fact that the N.C. has
been dominated by sham delegates; (c) The Procedural Code of the
N.C.; (d) The experiences of U Daniel Aung in the N.C., who had
served as a member of the Panel of Chairmen;
is seen to be nothing but an illegitimate and fraudulent show
staged by the SLORC for the domination and perpetuation of
military dictatorship in future Burma.
**************************************************************
POSITION STATEMENT OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL SEMINAR
Under the aegis of the NCUB, the Constitutional Seminar on the
Constitution of the Union of Burma was successfully held from
October 10 to 21, 1994, in Manerplaw. Over 160 delegates from 41
organizations attended the Seminar, and NCUB chairman Saw Bo Mya,
NDF Chairman Naing Shwe Kyin, U Khun Marco Barn (MP), U Daniel
Aung (MP), U Tin Maung Win (CRDB), U Tin Aung (NLD- LA), U Maung
Maung Latt (MP), U Maung Maung Aye (MP), Dr Zalat Htan (MP) and
Gen Tamlabaw (KNU) had served as chairmen of the meetings, in
turn.
In the Seminar, the delegates held discussions and
consultations, freely and cordially, on the current political
problems of Burma and basic principles
relating to the institution of the future Federal Union. This is
the position statement of the Seminar based on discussions of the
various delegates.
1. Position on the National Convention being SLORC
As the SLORC is not a legally elected government, it has no right
to convene a national convention. The "National Convention" being
held by the SLORC is merely a fraudulent one. It is concluded
that the basic principles for a state constitution laid down by
the convention are for the legalization of the rule of military
dictatorship. Therefore, all the delegates unanimously reached
the position to totally repudiate the SLORC's national convention
and the results emanating from it.
2. Postition on Institution ure Federal Union
All the delegates attending the seminar unanimously judge that
Burma is in need of a constitution. The Seminar determines that
the necessary basic law with regard to the future federal state
should provide for:--
(a) The derivation of sovereignty of the State from the people;
(b) The institution of Burma as the Federal Union on the basis of
the intents of the Panglong Agreement reached between Gen Aung
San and the ethnic nationalities who have been struggling for
over 40 years, the Bo Aung Jaw Street Declaration, the agreement
reached between the NLD and UNLD, the Manerplaw Agreement, and
the historical developments of co-habitation of various ethnic
nationalities; (c) The national equality and right of
self-determination of all ethnic nationalities, with firm
guarantees; (d) Institutionalization of the multi-party
democratic system and human rights; (e) The proper division of
power between the federal and state gov; (f) The system of
bi-cameral legislature in which there is a National Assembly
composed of representatives from the states and the Peoples
Assembly consisting of representatives of the people; (g) The
system in which the legislative, executive and judicial powers
are exercised separately; (h) The subordination of the armed
forces to the civilian control, the treatment of it only as one
of the departments in the service of the State, with no right
whatsoever to interfere in politics.
3. The Seminar recognizes that in the framing of a constitutional
law guaranteeing democracy in a federal system, it is expressedly
necessary to hold a genuine national convention in which the
people, composed of various nationalities, can freely and frankly
conduct discussions and consultations.
4. The Seminar pronounces that to solve the prevailing political
problems politically, it is necessary for the SLORC:--
(a) To release unconditionally Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and all
political prisoners; (b)
To officially announce a nation-wide cease-fire; (c) To lift all
the unjust laws it has enacted; (d) To recognize the result of
the May 1990 election.
**************************************************************
NEWS SOURCES REGULARLY COVERED/ABBREVIATIONS USED BY BURMANET:
AP: ASSOCIATED PRESS
AFP: AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE
AW: ASIAWEEK
AWSJ: ASIAN WALL STREET JOURNAL
Bt.: THAI BAHT; 25 Bt.=US$1 (APPROX),
BBC: BRITISH BROADCASTING CORPORATION
BI: BURMA ISSUES
BIG: BURMA INFORMATION GROUP
BKK POST: BANGKOK POST (DAILY NEWSPAPER, BANGKOK)
BRC-CM: BURMESE RELIEF CENTER-CHIANG MAI
BRC-J: BURMESE RELIEF CENTER-JAPAN
CPPSM: C'TEE FOR PUBLICITY OF THE PEOPLE'S STRUGGLE IN MONLAND
FEER: FAR EASTERN ECONOMIC REVIEW
JIR: JANE'S INTELLIGENCE REVIEW
KHRG: KAREN HUMAN RIGHTS GROUP
Kt. BURMESE KYAT; 150 KYAT=US$1 BLACK MARKET
100 KYAT=US$1 SEMI-OFFICIAL
6 KYAT=US$1 OFFICIAL
MOA: MIRROR OF ARAKAN
NATION: THE NATION (DAILY NEWSPAPER, BANGKOK)
NLM: NEW LIGHT OF MYANMAR (DAILY STATE-OWNED NEWSPAPER, RANGOON)
S.C.B.:SOC.CULTURE.BURMA NEWSGROUP
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