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BurmaNet News: November 5, 1994




************************** BurmaNet ************************** 
"Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies"
************************************************************** 
BurmaNet News: Saturday, November 5, 1994
Issue #53

************************************************************** 
Contents:

TIME: DIPLOMACY GETTING IN THE WAY OF GOOD POLICY
NATION: BURMA READY FOR PACT TO LET IN RED CROSS MONITORING TEAM
AP: INCONCLUSIVE US TRIP TO BURMA
REUTERS: U.S OFFERS BURMA CARROTS, WARNS OF STICKS
USG: TRANSCRIPT OF HUBBARD PRESS CONFERENCE
NATION: ANTI-SUU KYI RHETORIC NOW THING OF THE PAST
REUTERS: NEARLY 95,000 BURMESE [ROHINGYA] REFUGEES GO HOME
MOA: WHEREABOUTS OF REPATRIATED REFUGEE REMAINS UNKNOWN
REUTERS: JAPAN CONSIDERING EASING RESTRICTIONS ON BURMA
NATION: 'DOUBLING' VISITORS TO BURMA 
A.P./NATION: BURMESE, BRITON ON TRIAL IN R.P.

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************************************************************** 
TIME: DIPLOMACY GETTING IN THE WAY OF GOOD POLICY
Week of Oct. 30, 1994

"A U.S. drug enforcer in Burma sues his colleagues for scuttling
his best efforts to curb trafficking"
BY J.F.O. MC ALLISTER/WASHINGTON


His reports were mangled, he claims. His home phone was bugged. A
valued source was betrayed. During the 14 months he spent in
Rangoon, Drug Enforcement Administration agent Richard Horn
contends, he was lied to, electronically surveilled and finally
kicked out of the country -- not by the Burmese heroin traffickers
he was trying to nab but by State Department and CIA officials who
thought his antidrug campaign should be played down in favor of
other diplomatic interests. Horn, a 23-year DEA veteran now posted
to New Orleans, has taken the highly unusual step of suing the
acting head of the U.S. embassy who had him recalled, as well as
the CIA station chief. The State Department's Inspector General and
the Justice Department are investigating Horn's charges. It is not
the first time the priorities of U.S. agencies abroad have come
into open conflict, but it is rare, to say the least, that the
result is a suit by a federal agent against his colleagues for
harassment over policy disputes.  

To U.S. drug busters, Burma is Asia's mother lode, the source of
60% of the heroin coming into America. Last year, officials say,
Burma seized less than 1% of the estimated 2,575 metric tons of
opium its drug lords produced.  That is what drove Horn to push for
better cooperation with Burma's military junta, the State Law and
Order Restoration Council. He and his DEA bosses concluded there
was no other way to hurt Burma's drug kingpins like Khun Sa, who
has some 20,000 men organizing production and distribution routes.
But that goal collided with the main thrust of U.S. policy. After
the junta nullified an election and killed thousands of protesters,
the U.S. cut off aid and trade privileges and then refused to send
a new ambassador. Ever since, the State Department has tried to
minimize its contacts with the junta.  

The State Department had forced out Horn's two immediate DEA
predecessors in Rangoon, but he still considered it his ''dream
job'' when he arrived in June 1992. Not for long. Horn is bound to
silence by DEA rules, but his lawyer has provided TIME with a long
letter he wrote to Democratic Congressman Charles Rangel detailing
Horn's allegations. It recounts that Horn and Franklin Huddle, the
embassy's charge d'affaires, clashed over a report to Washington
that Horn thought unfairly denigrated the junta's antidrug efforts.
Horn says Huddle refused to obtain expert help from the U.S. to
draft manuals for Burmese police and prosecutors implementing new
drug laws, but did approve training at the CIA for Burmese
intelligence officers. He claims that the CIA divulged the name of
a DEA informant to the junta and sabotaged a DEA survey of opium
yields by revealing to the government that the CIA -- distrusted by
the Burmese -- had secretly given the DEA the funds to conduct it.
The ultimate insult was discovering Huddle's cable to Washington
relaying exact quotes from a phone conversation Horn had made from
his home. Horn knew of another instance where the CIA had bugged a
DEA agent, and concluded the same had been done to him.  

Sources familiar with the Inspector General's investigation say the
former CIA station chief absolutely denies wiretapping Horn. For
his part, Huddle says ''there's absolutely no truth whatsoever in
Horn's allegations.'' Personality clashes played their part: a
State Department colleague calls Huddle ''a little martinet,''
while a DEA buddy admits that Horn is ''sometimes pigheaded.'' But
the core of the fight in Burma was a vexing question of policy: How
intimate should Washington be with a vicious regime to win its help
on curbing drugs? The diplomats argue that putting too much
emphasis on drugs is parochial and that the DEA often gets
manipulated by corrupt governments. The junta, they say, set up
splashy drug busts for the Americans that traffickers were happy to
treat as a cost of doing business. ''The DEA,'' says an
intelligence source,''was being played for a patsy by a bunch of
Burmese military folks who were getting a cut of the action.''  

Nevertheless, the Clinton Administration has decided after a long
review to offer Burma some incentives for better behavior, hoping
that one payoff will be serious help in combatting heroin. A U.S.
delegation will meet this week in Rangoon with junta leaders, who
have just visited opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi. The junta has
kept her under house arrest since July 1989. Diplomats will
continue to emphasize human rights, but ''our efforts at pure
isolation have not been tremendously successful,'' acknowledges
Robert Gelbard, Assistant Secretary of State in charge of narcotics
matters. One result of the new policy should be more unanimity
among the different agencies that work in the Rangoon embassy
where, as Richard Horn's saga shows, Burma's military bosses have
had plenty of opportunity to play the Americans against each other.

With reporting by Sandra Burton/Hong Kong and Elaine Shannon and
Douglas Waller/Washington  Copyright 1994 Time Inc. All rights
reserved. 

************************************************************** 
NATION: BURMA READY FOR PACT TO LET IN RED CROSS MONITORING TEAM
Friday, November 4, 1994 
Kyodo

Burma's military junta is preparing to reach an agreement with the
International Red Cross over its role in monitoring the situation
of the country's prisoners of conscience, a high-ranking US
official said on Wednesday.

Thomas Hubbard, US deputy assistant secretary of state for East
Asia and Pacific affairs, said in Bangkok on his return from a
two-day trip to Burma that he viewed such step as positive.

Hubbard welcomed last week's second meting between Lt-Gen Khin
Nyunt, secretary of the ruling State Law and Order Restoration
Council (SLORC) and democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been
under house arrest since 1989, and the junta's assurance of
continuing a dialogue with her.

However, Hubbard said it was regrettable that the junta turned down
his request to see the Nobel Peace Prize laureate during his visit.

Hubbard this week led the highest-ranking team of US officials to
visit Burma in more than five years since the US withdrew its
ambassador to Rangoon in 1989 because of the 1988 bloody
suppression of pro- democracy demonstrations and the subsequent
military coup.

The visit, Hubbard said, was a result of the US government's recent
policy review toward Burma and a pursuance of US interests in a
more direct and active manner.

Hubbard said he had an "extensive and business- like" three-hour
talk with Khin Nyunt on Tuesday and also met with Foreign Minister
Ohn Gyaw and other high-ranking officials.

He said he told the regime that the US wants to see progress on
such issues as human rights, democratization and efforts to combat
narcotics.

"We made clear to them that significant movement on issues of our
concern is necessary if there is to be meaningful progress of
bilateral relations... We also made clear that failure to move
forward on these issues will lead to further restriction in our
political and economic ties," Hubbard said.

He said he also told junta leaders that the most critical step
before a major improvement in US- Burma relations is the immediate
and unconditional release of Aung San Suu Kyi.

************************************************************** 
AP:  INCONCLUSIVE US TRIP TO BURMA
November 3, 1994

BANGKOK, Thailand (AP) -- The most senior group of U.S. officials
to visit Burma since the military seized power in 1988 was unable
to secure a commitment from the ruling junta to restore democracy
and protect human rights.

"Our main purpose in going to Burma is to make clear that the
Burmese authorities understand the United States' position,
understand that we wish to have more constructive relations in the
future," Thomas Hubbard, deputy assistant secretary of state for
East Asia and Pacific affairs, told reporters after leaving
Rangoon.

But he said he also warned that if the junta failed to institute
reforms, relations between Washington and Rangoon could deteriorate
further.

"Whether we are going to see these positive steps in the
future, it's hard to say," he added.

He said he made it clear to the junta that if it acts on U.S.
concerns, Washingtred to "move forward aggressively"
in improving now strained relations.

Next to greater democracy and human rights, American officials
also would like to see progress in narcotics control. Burma is a
major producer of opium and its derivative, heroin, most of it
exported to the United States.

The United States cut off aid after the military took power and
has been an outspoken critic of the junta's harsh policies.
Washington has not stationed an ambassador in Rangoon since 1989.

Hubbard said Burmese authorities did promise to continue talks
with detained opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, allow U.S. drug
authorities to make an opium survey, and give permission for
International Red Cross delegates to visit political prisoners.

Hubbard said his delegation had sought a meeting with Mrs. Suu
Kyi, but the junta refused.

Mrs. Suu Kyi, winner of the 1991 Nobel Peace Prize for her
non-violent efforts to promote democracy, is in her sixth year of
house arrest in Rangoon. The United States and other nations have
repeatedly urged the junta to release her.

Junta leaders held their first meeting with Mrs. Suu Kyi on
Sept. 20, and a second one last Friday. The meetings, publicized in
Burma's state-controlled media, were seen as foreshadowing her
possible release.


Posted courtesy WOV-Net

************************************************************** 
REUTERS: U.S OFFERS BURMA CARROTS, WARNS OF STICKS
Nov  3, 1994

BANGKOK, Thailand (Reuter) - The United States will enhance
cooperation with Burma if the ruling junta takes significant
steps to improve its record on human rights, democracy and
drugs, a U.S. official said  Wednesday.

But Thomas Hubbard, a deputy assistant scretary of state,
said failure by the Rangoon government to make progress in those
areas would lead to greater restrictions in political and
economic ties.

Hubbard, speaking at a news conference on his return from a
two-day trip to Burma, said he had been refused permission to
see detained dissident leader Aung San Suu Kyi.

"We asked for a meeting with Aung San Suu Kyi and other
prisoners of conscience and we regret we were not given
permission to see them," he said.

The United States has led an international chorus of calls
for the release of Suu Kyi and other political prisoners.

The daughter of Burma's independence hero Gen. Aung San, Suu
Kyi has been under house arrest since July 1989.

Hubbard repeated calls for her early release as well as that
of other prisoners of conscience.

His trip was the first high-level contact between the
Rangoon junta and the United States since the brutal suppression
of a pro-democracy uprising in 1988.

He said he met military intelligence chief and senior junta
member Lt. Gen. Khin Nyunt and Foreign Minister Ohn Gyaw for a
three-hour "extensive and business-like exchange of views"
Tuesday.

"We traveled to Burma ... to convey to the Burmese
authorities the strong U.S. interest in progress on issues of
political concern, specifically human rights, democratization
and counter-narcotics," he said.

"We indicated that we would like to see more constructive
relations between the United States and Burma. We made clear
however that significant movement on issues of concern is
necessary if there is to be any progress in bilateral
relations," he said.

Following the suppression of the 1988 democracy uprising, in
which U.S. officials estimated that possibly thousands of people
were killed, the United States cut all aid to Burma and
suspended trade benefits.

The United States also put Burma, the world's largest
producer of illegal opium, on a list of countries that did not
cooperate fully on narcotics, a move that requires U.S.
officials to oppose loans by international financial
institutions.


 * News, features and more from WOV-Net On-Line


************************************************************** 
USG: TRANSCRIPT OF HUBBARD PRESS CONFERENCE
Nov. 2 1994

[Courtesy Voice of America]

[This is an unofficial transcript of the press conference given by
the American Deputy Secretary of State Thomas Hubbard on his return
from Rangoon.  The conference was held at Don Muang Airport in
Bangkok on November 2, 1994.  This transcript may not be complete
and is not represented as such. -Editor]

Hubbard's Prepared Statement:  

We met with Khin Nyunt, Ohn Gyaw, and other senior officials as
well as others in the Burmese community.  We traveled to Burma
representing the U.S. government to learn more about the situation
and convey to the Burmese authorities the strong U.S. interest in
progress on issues of critical concern -- human rights, democracy,
and narcotics.  We had a 3 hour meeting with Khin Nyunt.  It was an
extensive and business-like exchange on all of these issues. 

Our delegation stressed the importance of a genuine process of
political reconciliation in Burma, including substantive dialogue
with Aung San Suu Kyi, her early release, and the release of other
prisoners of conscience and a political process that genuinely
permits the participation of the people of Burma, and ensures that
they can freely choose their leaders. We indicated we would like to
see more constructive relations between United States and Burma. We
made clear however that significant movement on issues of concern
is necessary if there is to be meaningful progress in bilateral
relations. We voiced our strong hope that such movement will occur.
We also identified a range of other positive actions on the human
rights and counter narcotics front that Burmese officials could
take to enhance the climate for improved relations between our
governments.  

If the Burmese authorities move forward in these areas we indicated
we would be prepared to respond progressively with measures to
enhance cooperation.  I should also say that we pointed out that
failure to move forward on these critical issues of concern will
lead to further restrictions in our political and economic ties. On
the positive side, we welcome the government's meeting with Aung
San Suu Kyi just prior to our visit. We also welcomed the clear
indication we received from the Burmese authorities that such
meetings will continue. With regard to counter narcotics we also
welcomed the government's agreement voiced during our meeting to
authorize a second opium yield survey in cooperation with the u-
government.  

[End of prepared statement]

Question:   [From V-O-A -- not exact wording] Your visit was
planned how long in advance?  Were you given permission to meet
with Aung San Suu Kyi or other political prisoners?  And I notice
you refer here to "early release" -- is this is change from
unconditional release?  

Hubbard:   We had been considering in the U.S. government for some
time whether it would be appropriate to try and pursue our
interests in Burma through more direct contacts with the Burmese
regime.  The timing of this visit really reflects the fact that
there have been some developments within Burma, two meetings with
Aung San Suu Kyi...we requested this particular mtg just a week or
so ago, so [it was] not scheduled for that long. Yes we did ask for
mtg with Aung San Suu Kyi and other prisoners of conscience and to
our regret we were not granted permission to see them.  We were
told if there is a subsequent visit at some point the time might be
better for such a meeting.  With regard to that I made clear to the
Burmese authorities we would like to see Aung San Suu Kyi and other
prisoners of conscience.  

That [a meeting] would help us understand better the Burmese
situation and the concerns of opposition leaders. But as far as I'm
concerned it is far more important that the Burmese regime continue
meeting with Aung San Suu Kyi and deal properly with other
prisoners than it is for us to have such an opportunity.  We speak
here about early release I could just as well as said early
unconditional release.  I could just as easily have said
conditional release.  We would like to see Aung San Suu Kyi and
other prisoners of conscience released soon and allowed to
participate freely in the political process...  

Question:   [from Financial Times correspondent]  What is Khin
Nyunt talking to her about and what would you like them to be
talking about?  

Hubbard:   What he said to us is that they discussed the national
situation and issues of concern to Burmese on basis of mutual
respect ...he did tell us such meetings would continue...no
details...  

Question:   [Financial Times] What would you like them to be
talking about?  

Hubbard:   Obviously we would like to see them talk about the range
of issues affecting democracy, human rights, in Burma.  We would
like to see a genuine national reconciliation in which Aung San Suu
Kyi and others are released from prison and are allowed to
participate freely in a genuine democratic process..we certainly
hope these talks will be substantive and that they will lead to a
politial reconciliation in which our hopes for the Burmese people
will be realized.  

Question:   [From Associated Press corresp] It sounds like this
trip came at short notice, and just a few days before United
Nations special rapportuer visits Burma. Why the rush?  Sounds like
you could have discussed such issues at the United Nations?  Is
there something going on behind the scenes?  

Hubbard:   To be perfectly honest, we considered this visit for
some time. As some of you may know, I have spent most of past month
in Geneva engaged in talks with North Korea.  At the conclusion [of
those talks], I was freed up to lead this delegation as had been
planned for some time. We are pleased that Mr. Yokota will be
visiting Burma again. We hope he will have serious and effective
talks and be allowed to see Aung San Suu Kyi and other prisoners of
conscience. our visit was really not scheduled in connection with
his visit, but we are certainly pleased that he is going there. 
Sure, we could talk to the Burmese foreign minister in new york and
we did talk to him in Burma. We thought by visiting Burma we could
speak not only to the foreign minister but to senior leaders of
slorc like Khin Nyunt and we believe we had a serious, businesslike
and every extensive talk on a range of issues.  

Question:  Did Khin Nyunt ask you for anything or give you an idea
what they  Would like to see from the U.S. in the short or long
term?  And on the narcotics survey does this mean there will be
some form of aid or cooperation between the U.S. and Burma now on
narcotics?  

Hubbard:  It seemed clear to us that SLORC would like to have
closer relations with United States, would like to have relations
that involve enhanced narcotics cooperation, that involve other
elements one would see in a fully normal bilateral relationship. As
I said, we indicated we too would like to have a more constructive
relationship, but our ability to do that depends on developments in
the key areas of concern to us. Regarding the opium yield survey,
this is the second such survey.  I believe the first one was
conducted 2 years ago so this is part of the narcotics cooperation
that we have continued on a regular basis since the SLORC came to
power. As you know, Burma is not a country certified under our
narcotics legislation for cooperation.  We have maintained a D.E.A.
presence there, we maintain contact and communication. We would
hope, because we have a strong interest in counter-narcotics just
as the Burmese authorities do, we would hope there would be
developments in a range of areas of concern, including human
rights, democratization and counter-narcotics.  We would hope that
progress across the range of those areas would at some point enable
us to resume the level of narcotics cooperation that we had in
earlier years.  We have not reached that point.  

Question:   [From B.B.C.] You had three hours with general Khin
Nyunt, can you tell us a bit more about that?  In your opening
remarks you talked about the possibility of the failure of Burmese
authorities to make some progressive moves and that you might, that
might lead, to some more restrictions by the U.S. against Burma.
Can you elaborate on that and did Khin Nyunt talk about the
possible future role of Suu Kyi as they see it and as she sees her
own role?  

Hubbard:   A good deal of meeting with Khin Nyunt was taken up with
an exposition by him of the SLORC view on developments in Burma
since the end of the colonial period through the period in which
SLORC has been in power.  As you may know, we were the first senior
delegation from the U.S. to visit Burma in more than five years. 
We were not surprised and in fact considered appropriate that the
Burmese would spend a good deal of their view on the local
situation. We in turn spent good deal of time outlining our
concerns in the three areas I have cited. We did that frankly and
in thorough fashion.  We hope it won't be necessary to downgrade
our relationship further. As you know, there have been a number of
constraints on our relationship for some time. We have not had an
ambassador in Burma.  Our embassy continues to be led by a charge
affaire ad interim.  We have taken a stand in the various
international financial organizations against assistance to Burma.
we have worked on an arms ban with regard to Burma.  There has been
a good deal of restraint and a number of restrictions on our
interaction.  Perhaps I should just leave it to you to guess what
other steps might be taken. As I say, I outlined both what we see
as a positive view of the future relationship based on positive
steps in the areas of principle concern to us.  We also pointed to
the regrettable possibility our relations could take a more
negative path if things do not continue to improve but we really
didn't find it necessary to outline in great detail just what those
would be. Obviously the tools of international relations are well
known to the Burmese as they are to us and range from various kinds
of sanctions to a genuine downgrading of the relationship to the
permanent charge level.  We don't want to take those steps and
didn't find it necessary to outline them in great detail.  

Question:   [From B.B.C.] You didn't answer my question about what
about Suu Kyi?  

Hubbard:   No, Khin Nyunt made clear to us she is a very respected
figure.  Her name is very respected in Burma. He did not as I say
give us  Details about his talks although he was very clear in
saying he  Expected those talks to continue.  He did not confide in
us exactly  What he saw as her future role. I certainly hope that
is the subject of the discussions they are having.  

Question:   [Financial Times] I am finding it difficult to
determine if you think your mission was a failure or success?  You
have spoken about possible sanctions, said he [Khin Nyunt] didn't
tell you what went on in his talks, your giving us possibilities,
both positive and negative.  What is your sense of how it will go
from here?  

Hubbard:   As to the success or lack thereof of our mission, our
main purpose in going to Burma was to make clear that Burmese
authorities understand the U.S. position.  That they understand we
wish to have more constructive relationships in the future.  That
such relations will depend on the steps they take in key areas of
concern to us.  We also want them to understand that if those steps
are not forthcoming then perhaps relations could take a more
negative path but that is not what we want.  We would like to see
a more positive relationship. So we think we succeeded in our talks
with Khin Nyunt and the Foreign Minister and others in the Burmese
community in making very clear what the position of the U.S.
government is.  Whether we will see those positive steps in future,
is hard to say.  We do believe the fact that SLORC has begun talks
with Aung San Suu Kyi is a positive thing.  We were pleased they
decided to meet with her again just prior to our visit, that did
establish a certain positive tone and we received some welcome
assurances during the meeting, first that the meetings will
continue.  We hope they continue and that they are positive.  We
received authorization for the opium yield survey, which we very
much would like to conduct in Burma.  And there were a few other
sort of direct results of the meeting, perhaps the most significant
for us was the indication by Khin Nyunt and others that they expect
soon to come to agreement with International Committee of the Red
Cross on [International Committee of the Red Cross] role with
regard to political prisoners in Burma.  This is something we have
advocated, and is one of those positive steps we cited in the
meeting, and we certainly hope that positive response to
International Committee of the Red Cross will be forthcoming as
they indicated it would be.  

Question:   [V-O-A] Back to the benchmark question, I assume you
consider the two meetings with her significant benchmarks?  And the
International Committee of the Red Cross issue, as recently as
september, it was being said there was no progress being made or
that they had not replied.  Have they given you a specific reply on
prison visits?  

Hubbard:   They indicated they still have some domestic, legal
arrangements  To take care of before they can approve such visits
but we were  Assured that approval would be forthcoming very soon. 
That would be a very positive benchmark for us.  No precise
timeframe, but we were told to expect positive developments soon. 


Question:   [V-O-A] In reward, so to speak, for the benchmark they
have achieved so far, have we brought up the option of returning an
ambassador to rangoon? It sounds like you have been kind of
negative about possible directions that could be pursued?  

Hubbard:   I don't mean to be more negative than positive on that. 
We would certainly like to see the kinds of steps that would enable
us to again assign an ambassador to Burma.  We don"t really want to
try and say if they take x step we will have y response.  It is not
that clear-cut and we will have to be assessing the situation as we
move forward.  But we do believe a very critical step, before there
could be a significant improvement in relations would be the
release of Aung San Suu Kyi.  

Question:   [V-O-A] Has the U.S. policy review been completed, and
what aspects of that did you relate to them or was it a general
framework?  

Hubbard:   (Laughing) The policy review, I suppose if policy
reviews are ever completed.  I think you can see our visit is one
of the results of that policy review, a decision to try to pursue
our interests more directly and actively in talks with the Burmese
regime. I would say that the whole framework of our talks, our
entire presentation, reflected the results of that policy review. 


Question:   And a [decision to push] for stronger sanctions was
part of that?  

Hubbard:   Well again I don't want to leave the impression with you
that [it] is our preferred path but clearly a result of the policy
review was that we should be prepared to take positive steps if we
see positive steps in Burma in the areas of deep concern to us. 
Obviously if we don't see those steps we would have to consider
another path that would be less positive.  

Question:   Isn't there a danger you have jumped too soon, that you
rewarded the regime with a visit?  Although they have talked to
Aung San Suu Kyi, they haven't changed the political system and
have not notably shown signs they are going to improve their human
rights record.  Shouldn't you have held off for six months or a
year until they actually do something that has some practical
effect of alleviating people"s problems in Burma?  

Hubbard:   We are trying to get away from the concept that talk or
dialogue  Is a reward, or the absence of talk or dialogue is a
punishment.  To us the purpose of dialogue is to try pursue our
interests more directly and more actively.  So we don't consider
our visit to be a reward.  We are pleased it took place in an
improved climate in which there have been two mtgs with Aung San
Suu Kyi, that has for a long time been an objective of ours. We
think any political reconciliation in Burma must begin with serious
talks between the regime and Aung San Suu Kyi as a strong and very
admired representative of the opposition.  That of course is only
a beginning. We would like to see her released, the release of
other political prisoners, we would like to see a genuinely
representative political process and we hope that by making our
views clear and directly we can encourage that.  

************************************************************** 
NATION: ANTI-SUU KYI RHETORIC NOW THING OF THE PAST 
Friday, November 4, 1994

"Once vilified by the SLORC, Burma's detained opposition leader now
seems to be coming in from the cold. By The Nation's Aung Zaw."

Rangoon's most powerful man, Lt-Gen Khin Nyunt, has dubbed her a
political neophyte and communist. He has even resorted to calling
her a fish-monger and wife of a foreigner -- 'ka la ma'. Since July
1989 when she was put under house arrest, her name has not been
allowed to be mentioned in public. Rangoon leaders referred to her
as the lady, or woman, or the factor.

But this name-calling and banning now belongs in history as
Rangoon's ruling State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC)
continues its talks with Nobel laureate and opposition leader Aung
San Suu Kyi. Their meeting last week at the army guesthouse
followed earlier talks on Sept 20 between Suu Kyi and Senior
General Than Swe and Lt- Gen Khin Nyunt. The September talks
received a guarded welcome from Burmese opposition and observers
but they believed that it was an important step.

Sceptics saw it as another SLORC "stunt" to win the hearts of the
world community and Burmese people. "We have seen how SLORC is
untrustworthy so we don't believe them," said a former political
activist based in Thailand.

State television and radio broadcast pictures of last week's second
meeting. Suu Kyi, wearing a traditional blue Burmese blouse and
matching sarong, was greeted by Lt-Gen Khin Nyunt. Judge Advocate
Brig-Gen Than Oo and Inspector Gen Tin Aye were also present.

News reports said Khin Nyunt explained the political, economic and
social conditions of the country and development projects were
undertaken by the junta. The Rangoon media said the talks were
"cordial and frank", but gave no details.

It is, however, believed that in August Suu Kyi, reportedly told
that talks-broker U Rewata Dhamma that an announcement would be
made only when agreement is reached.

Burmese people welcomed the second round of talks and diplomats in
Rangoon said the media treatment of the meeting.

Agence France Press reported soon after the meeting that most
observers believe any discussions between the junta and the
opposition would produce a "Chilean solution" for Burma, based on
a gradual withdrawal of the military from the political arena and
protection of its economic and other interests.

Since the first meeting, some observers and diplomats in Rangoon
have suggested SLORC may not extend Suu Kyi's detention and she may
be freed in 1995.

There was also speculation that Suu Kyi asked her captors to free
leading politicians who are being detained. According to sources
inside Burma, Suu Kyi asked the generals to set free at least 15
political prisoners, including Tin Oo, Win Tin, Kyi Maung and Min
Ko Naing and other top leaders. Tin Oo is chairman of the National
League for Democracy (NLD),and Win Tin and Kyi Maung were executive
committee members of NLD and well-respected politicians. Min Ko
Naing is a student leader who played an important role in the 1988
and 1989 pro- democracy movement.

The state-run newspaper New Light of Myanmar on Tuesday quoted Khin
Nyunt as saying that the talks had taken place due to mutual
understanding between the two parties and not because of any
outside pressure.

The government is proceeding according to its own political and
economic strategy, Khin Nyunt told the opening session of a
reorientation course for school teachers near Rangoon on Monday.

In the second meeting, the SLORC's efforts in the political and
economic fields, and future programmes international he long-term
interest of the state, were discussed with mutual understanding and
open mind, Khin Nyunt said.

"The meeting took place as a result of mutual understanding and not
because of outside pressure," he was quoted as saying.

"The SLORC is proceeding according to its adopted political and
economic strategy in the best interest of the country. It will not
slow down or deviate the process under any pressure."

But concern remains strong among the Burmese and international
communities about the many able and well-respected politicians
still being detained. The release of all political prisoners,
including Suu Kyi, is seen as essential if the SLORC really intends
to create a free democratic Burma.

Harn Yawnghwe, a prominent Burmese expatriate and son of Burma's
first president, Sao Shwe Thaike, wrote recently: "If anyone is
serious about helping to bring real change to Burma, they cannot
ignore the role of Aung San Suu Kyi. Least of all, SLORC cannot
afford to continue to ignore her. If the SLORC generals want to
survive and prevent a repeat of 1988, they have no option but to
talk to her. She has the legitimacy that SLORC can never obtain and
only she can rally the people of Burma toward a common goal.

"If SLORC does not recognize or accept her leadership role in
Burma, the days of SLORC rule are numbered and the future of Burma
will indeed be bleak."


************************************************************** 
REUTERS: NEARLY 95,000 BURMESE [ROHINGYA] REFUGEES GO HOME
November 4

COX'S BAZAR, Bangladesh, - Nearly 95,000 Burmese Moslem refugees
have returned home, leaving more than 156,000 still crammed in 16
Bangladesh camps, officials said on Friday. They said 5,000
refugees, known as Rohingyas, had been leaving every week since
last month after a tripartite agreement among Dhaka, Rangoon and
the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees.  

The Rohingyas fled to southeastern Bangladesh in early 1992 to
escape alleged military persecution in west Burma's Moslem-majority
state of Arakan. Repatriation began in September that year but the
process had been slow until recently, especially because the UNHCR
wanted to make sure that no one was sent back forcibly.  

************************************************************** 
NATION: 'DOUBLING' VISITORS TO BURMA 
Friday, November 4, 1994

Rangoon - Tourist arrivals in Burma could double this year to
120,000, Minister for Hotels and Tourism Lieutenant-General Kyaw Ba
said.  Kyaw Ba's comments, reported in the state-run Myanmar News
Agency yesterday, were made on Wednesday to a visiting business
delegation from Singapore.

************************************************************** 
MOA: WHEREABOUTS OF REPATRIATED REFUGEE REMAINS UNKNOWN
October 1, 1994

The Bangladesh government has since been repatriating Rohingya
refugees from its soil to Burma following an understanding between
the two governments and so far about 82,000 (approx) Rohingyas have
already been repatriated to their homeland.

One Abdur Rahman son of Mrs Amina Khatun, who was also included in
the list of repatriated refugees on 10 September 1994 batch which
was received at Maungdaw jetty refugee reception centre, was
interrogated by the police on duty at the reception centre. He
hailed from Ponyolake village, south of Buthidaung township, Arakan
state and stayed in a camp at Gundum of Bangladesh.

Afterward Abdur Rahman was about to be sent to 10-mile Military
Intelligence Office by the police when the matter was reported to
the UNHCR by someone. At this the UNHCR reportedly intervened and
the refugee in questions was instead sent to Maungdaw police
lock-up.

It is understood that Abdur Rahman was kept there for about three
days on the ground that he might be associated with anti-state
forces operating along the Bangladesh-Burma border while he was in
refugee camp. When he was contacted by his mother about his
condition, she was told by the police that Abdur Rahman was no more
in their custody and they refused to disclose his whereabouts.

People in the area presumed that the repatriated refugee might have
been taken away by the Burmese military intelligence unit and was
probably shot dead.

Although the repatriation has been steadily taking a new phase, the
treatment of repatriated refugees by the Burmese authorities has
not yet improved. There are allegations that the authorities
preferred to conscript forced labour from among the refugees and
some were either detained or tortured to death on assumed charges.


************************************************************** 
REUTERS: JAPAN CONSIDERING EASING RESTRICTIONS ON BURMA
November 4

TOKYO, - Japan said on Friday it was considering easing its
restrictions on economic ties with Burma in the light of recent
talks between Rangoon's ruling junta and detained dissident leader
Aung San Suu Kyi. "We welcome the meetings as a positive step
towards improving their human rights problems,'' said a Foreign
Ministry spokeswoman. "We have begun considering how our
relationship with them should be.'' She declined to say when or
whether granting of new official development aid (ODA) to Burma
could be resumed after being virtually stopped following the 1988
military suppression of a pro-democracy uprising.  

While small disbursements for Japanese ODA projects signed before
the military takeover have kept trickling into Burma, no new
projects have started in the past five years. The Burmese
government has had two meetings with Suu Kyi since September and
the United States and the European Union have softened their stance
against Rangoon, saying they would enhance cooperation with Burma
if it makes progress in improving its human rights record.  

************************************************************** 
A.P./NATION: BURMESE, BRITON ON TRIAL IN R.P.
Friday, November 4, 1994 
AP

Manila - Government prosecutors presented 5.5 kilogrammes of heroin
yesterday as evidence at the opening of a trial of a Briton and a
Burmese accused of drug trafficking.

Nigel Richard Gatward, a 30-year-old cellular phone salesman from
Claphan, South London, and U Aung Win, a 27-year-old radio operator
from Rangoon, are accused of trying to transport about 11 kg of
high- grade heroin, which prosecutors say is worth about 250
million pesos (US$10 million). The charge carries the death
penalty.

During separate arraignments, Gatward claimed innocence but Aung
Win pleaded guilty to the charge, apparently hoping for a lesser
sentence.

Gatward was arrested on Sept 1 after customs agents discovered 5.5
kg of heroin hidden in his luggage and then ordered him off the
plane, a KLM flight to Amsterdam via Bangkok.

Aung Win, who was arrested a day earlier, told police Gatward was
an accomplice in a drug- smuggling ring. Gatward denied knowing
Aung Win. 


************************************************************** 
NEWS SOURCES REGULARLY COVERED/ABBREVIATIONS USED BY BURMANET:

 AP: ASSOCIATED PRESS
 AFP: AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE
 AW: ASIAWEEK
 AWSJ: ASIAN WALL STREET JOURNAL
 Bt.: THAI BAHT; 25 Bt.=US$1 (APPROX), 
 BBC: BRITISH BROADCASTING CORPORATION
 BI: BURMA ISSUES
 BIG: BURMA INFORMATION GROUP
 BKK POST: BANGKOK POST (DAILY NEWSPAPER, BANGKOK)
 BRC-CM: BURMESE RELIEF CENTER-CHIANG MAI
 BRC-J: BURMESE RELIEF CENTER-JAPAN
 CPPSM: C'TEE FOR PUBLICITY OF THE PEOPLE'S STRUGGLE IN MONLAND 
 FEER: FAR EASTERN ECONOMIC REVIEW
 JIR: JANE'S INTELLIGENCE REVIEW
 KHRG: KAREN HUMAN RIGHTS GROUP
 Kt. BURMESE KYAT; 110-120 KYAT=US$1 BLACK MARKET
                   6 KYAT=US$1 OFFICIAL
 MOA: MIRROR OF ARAKAN
 NATION: THE NATION (DAILY NEWSPAPER, BANGKOK)
 NLM: NEW LIGHT OF MYANMAR (DAILY STATE-OWNED NEWSPAPER, RANGOON)
 S.C.B.:SOC.CULTURE.BURMA NEWSGROUP 
 S.C.T.:SOC.CULTURE.THAI NEWSGROUP
 SEASIA-L: S.E.ASIA BITNET MAILING LIST
 USG: UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT
 XNA: XINHUA NEWS AGENCY 
**************************************************************